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The European Union (E.U.) has a specific system of financing its institutions. The system has been the subject of political discussion since the beginning in 1970 and the recent modification in 2020. This system has come under increasing pressure as a result of the growth of the number of member states and growing economic disparity between the Northern versus Southern and Western versus Eastern member states of the Union. The question of whether to rely on its own sources of finance or on contributions from its members is the subject of a separate political argument.

This study examines the defence expenditures of NATO's member countries over the recent years. It makes use of the original budget figures of the states as verified by NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) and published by this military organization. There search of this study is to examine the following points: - How has defence spending by the member states evolved in the period under consideration (2010-2019);- Which states already meet the targets of the 2014 Wales summit? (2% GDP for defence and 20% of this budget for investment);The current figures are based on the primary budgetary sources as published by NATO, namely: the latest year report of 2018 (NATO, AR) and especially the most recent figures in the NATO yearly press release (NATO, PR-CP).

This article examines European defence expenditure and more specifically the question of whether there is sufficient financial leeway to establish a European defence initiative.In view of the numerous defence threats on Europe's external borders: Russia, Turkey, growing migration pressures and the ineffectiveness of the external borders of the "Schengen-zone", this article will examine the following: - What are the defence expenditures of the European members of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) and of non-NATO members in Europe;- Would it be possible to establish a European army with these financial resources?The current figures are primarily based on NATO financial sources (see references). These NATO figures refer to defence spending, including military pensions and militarized police forces such as the "Gendarmerie" in France and the "Koninklijke Marechaussee" in The Netherlands.In conclusion the article tries to respond to the question of which states would be necessary and/or potentially available for the creation of a European defence force?First, this study gives a short overview of the defence history in western Europe after the second world war, followed by the European attempts concerning this item. Finally, this article examines the topic of this article in point three; namely: which European countries are potential partners for an European defence system.

A brief review of some recent European Union (EU) monetary & trade history (from the 1970 Treaty of Luxembourg to the recent Greek declarations), in which problems & successes of various kinds (eg, accession of new member states, the juste retour of the UK) have been matched by new methods of raising revenue. As tariffs & trade barriers disappeared throughout the EU, other revenues (external trade tariffs, VAT, etc) have increased in importance. Three milestones in recent EU economic history are former British Prime Minister Thatcher's disputes with the EU over trade & currency issues in the early 1980s, Maastricht, & the 1999 Council of Europe, in which current financing standards were agreed upon. 4 Tables. A. Siegel

This article examines the central banks of three countries with no membership of the eurozone or the us-dollar zone: the ‘Bank of England’, the ’Norges Bank’ and the ‘Bank of Canada / Banque du Canada.’ It uses a descriptive, factual analysis including a short history, their structure and administrative bodies, and some key financial figures. While there are a number of similarities between the three banks e.g. on the level of administration, they differ considerably with respect to external controls and financial solidity. The ’Norges Bank’ and the ‘Bank of Canada / Banque du Canada‘ have sold all of their gold reserves, while the ‘Bank of England’ only holds a small amount compared to the size of its other assets. Hence, the no-gold banks.

In this paper, the authors examine the impact of municipal budget policy on the percentage of votes for the incumbent majority parties in subsequent elections. They contribute to the academic literature by examining the combined influence of taxes, expenditures and debt. Based on data for Flanders (Belgium) between 1994 and 2012, they find no significant association between these budget variables and the actual election results.