Suchergebnisse

In a previous volume, State and Society in Papua New Guinea: The First Twenty-Five Years (2001, reprinted by ANU E Press in 2004), a collection of papers by the author published between 1971 and 2001 was put together to mark Papua New Guinea's first 25 years as an independent state. This volume presents a collection of papers written between 2001 and 2021, which update the story of political and social development in Papua New Guinea in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. The chapters cover a range of topics, from an evaluation of proposals for political reform in the early 2000s, a review of the discussion of 'failing states' in the island Pacific and the shift to limited preferential voting in 2007, to a detailed account of political developments from the move against Sir Michael Somare in 2011 to the election of Prime Minister Marape and his performance to 2022. There are also chapters on language policy, external and internal security, religious fundamentalism and national identity, and the sustainability of economic growth.

Papua New Guinea has been described as a 'fragile state', though it has maintained an unbroken record of democracy—at least up till August 2011. In that month, while Prime Minister Somare was on extended medical absence the National Parliament declared the prime ministership vacant and elected a new prime minister, Peter O'Neill. The Parliament's actions were challenged and the Supreme Court subsequently upheld the challenge, but O'Neill ignored the Court's ruling, creating an impasse with two claimants to the office of prime minister. A national election in mid-2012—which O'Neill's group sought to postpone—eventually resolved the situation. O'Neill became prime minister, and, in an odd twist, Somare joined the coalition government.

THE RESULT APPEARS TO BE AN OVERWHELMING VICTORY FOR PRESIDENT AQUINO AND HER SUPPORTERS, ACROSS THE NATION (WITH THE EXCEPTION OF REGIONS I AND II, THE STRONGHOLDS OF MARCOS AND ENRILE). ALLIANCES AND ALLEGIANCES REMAIN FLUID, HOWEVER, AND ONCE CONGRESS BEGINS TO TACKLE SOME OF THE CONTROVERSIAL ISSUES BEFORE IT-LAND REFORM, MEASURES TO ACHIEVE ECONOMIC RECOVERY, THE COMMUNIST INSURGENCY, REGIONAL AUTONOMY IN THE MUSLIM SOUTH AND THE NORTHERN CORDILLERAS, TO MENTION A FEW-THESE CLEAVAGES MAY CHANGE. (SINCE THIS PAPER WAS FIRST DRAFTED ONE MAJOR SHIFT HAS BEEN THE RESIGNATION OF VICE-PRESIDENT LAUREL FROM THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS PORTFOLIO AND HIS MOVEMENT ACROSS TO THE OPPOSITION.) MOREOVER LEFT-WING CRITICS OF THE GOVERNMENT POINT TO THE PERSISTENCE OF POWERFUL FAMILY INTERESTS IN THE NEW CONGRESS AND ARGUE THAT THE CHANGE OF REGIME HAS DONE NOTHING TO RESOLVE THE FUNDAMENTAL INEQUALITIES IN PHILIPPINE SOCIETY; FOR THEM, REVOLUTION REMAINS THE ONLY SOLUTION. BEYOND THIS, LOCAL ELECTIONS (FOR SOME 1,900 GOVERNORS, MAYORS AND OTHER LOCAL OFFICIALS) ARE SCHEDULED FOR EARLY 1988, AND WILL FURTHER TEST THE EXTENT OF PRESIDENT AQUINO'S SUPPORT AND ULTIMATELY HER ABILITY TO CONTROL WHAT HAPPENS IN THE COUNTRYSIDE.