Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Recent military coups in West Africa have put the continent's democratisation itself into question. In some places, for the moment, these coups appear to have popular backing. Nigeria, where radicalism is firmly rooted in democratic values and a human-rights framework, the radical grassroots opposition to the Buhari government's creeping authoritarianism lies drenched in blood. The roots of this development go back to the history of Nigeria's radicalism in the twentieth century. Much has appeared on the global 1968 recently, including that of Africa. 1970s/1980s-style radicalism is reappearing today with Omoyele Sowore's 2018 presidential candidacy, with the African Action Congress party, the #EndSARS protests and the tragic Lekki Toll Gate massacre (2020) in Nigeria. The shift towards radicalism is palpable with protest music such as Falz's This is Nigeria, and Burna Boy's Monsters you Made, both explicitly targeting neocolonialism and police brutality. Contrary to Achille Mbembe's sweeping dismissal of African radicalism, the movement with very deep roots under study is meaningful once again, and is gathering momentum in West Africa's giant polity. This article applies Walter Benjamin's and also Nigerian radical thinkers' conceptualisation of political, social and artistic radicalism, while it frames the Nigerian version via the movement's history, in which marxisant theory and praxis, feminism, human rights and pro-democracy movements interact with emancipatory strands of Islam, Christianity, Igbo Judaism, and animism. In the context of Nigerian radicalism, even expressly pro-capitalist art theory performs a radical social function by stressing the African's right to make universal statements (Olu Oguibe) in its de facto defiance of the neo-colony. As these different strands of protest meet, ethnic uprisings (amongst them IPOB) find ways to establish common cause with social radicalism, posing a composite threat to the prebendalist oligarchy that rules and oppresses the country via a militarised neoliberalism.

SUMMARY
Nigerian author Ifeoma Okoye's novel The Fourth World, published in 2013, presents us with a truly 21st century African unified socialist-feminist theory, while it places individual growth firmly in the community of an eponymous shanty in Enugu, Igboland. Through this novel, we observe how dictates of survival are transformed into acts of moral choice through the agency of work by a young girl of extraordinary character, helped by the congeniality of the community and by radical organisers.

2017 Spring. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Unconventional oil and gas extraction, primarily via hydraulic fracturing ("fracking"), has changed the energy landscape in the United States. The policy regime currently governing fracking is a complex patchwork in which state regulators have the primary authority. Social scientists have thoroughly documented general beliefs and risk perceptions related to fracking there is a lack of policy-related research. This dissertation examined public policy preferences for fracking regulation using a survey data from a statewide sample of Coloradoans. Theoretically, it was hypothesized that policy support hinged upon factors like risk perceptions, benefit perceptions, place attachment, community economic identity and political ideology. Overall, risk perceptions and political ideology emerged as relatively consistent and powerful predictors of support for unconventional oil and gas regulatory policy. On the other hand, several possible predictors had little to no role. Benefit perceptions had little effect on any policy dependent variable. Further, community economic identity and place attachment played very little role. I discuss policy implications and directions for future research.