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AbstractThis article compares the response of Presidents George W. Bush and Donald Trump to the two largest crises since the Cuban missile affair: 9/11 and the COVID‐19 pandemic. In examining how each president handled the early warnings, crisis communication, decision making, bureaucratic management, and the public response, we find a mixed picture. Employing these five criteria, it seems at this juncture that while the Bush response ultimately had some successes and some troubling long‐term consequences, the Trump crisis response is destined, in the absence of some dramatic change in events, to be ranked as among the worst in presidential history.Keywords: Trump, Bush, Covid‐19, 9/11, presidents, presidency, crisis management

AbstractThe Healing of America, by T.R. Reid, is a deceptively simple, readable, and even entertaining book that contains within it vast and complex truths about global health policy.

The national elections of 2004 exposed growing structural problems with America's democracy. The good news of higher turnout & the lack of a constitutional crisis resembling the Florida debacle of 2000 could not hide the continuing difficulties with registration, inconsistent election laws, inequality in access to the voting booth, comparatively low turnout, non-competitive legislative elections, district gerrymandering, & partisan oversight of elections. While many of these aspects of the American electoral system are of long standing, almost all of them have been exacerbated in recent decades. What are the prospects for reforming American democracy in the 21st century? Adapted from the source document.

The exigencies of the modern media age require that presidents put great effort into the crafting and maintenance of a positive image with the American people. The power of the president to realize his agenda in Washington and indeed around the world is directly affected by his standing with the public. The presidential image has become more contested, personal, and malleable as it has become more central and puissant. The Bush administration has shown a particular talent for disciplined management of presidential image, which has led to notable successes in public approval of the president's character.

Objectives. Although Christian fundamentalist elites have become increasingly vocal in their support for Israel in the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, it is not clear that this rhetoric has produced differing attitudes about U.S. foreign policy in public opinion. This article examines whether such differences exist, and whether they are rooted in aspects of fundamentalist eschatology.Methods. Data from a national telephone survey on attitudes toward the Middle East conflict and U.S. policy were examined using multivariate regression and means comparisons.Results. These results demonstrate that Christian fundamentalists are the strongest supporters of Israel in America today. Fundamentalists have greater sympathy for Israel, oppose policies to pressure Israel, and are distinctive from all other groups in their high levels of support for continuing Israeli settlements in occupied Palestinian territories, as well as complete Israeli control of Jerusalem.Conclusion. Christian fundamentalists in America are distinctive on this vital issue in American foreign policy because of their literal interpretation of the Bible or their leaders' increased cues on Middle East policies, or both. This suggests that religion is now an important factor in understanding public opinion on U.S. foreign policy in the region.

Objectives. Although Christian fundamentalist elites have become increasingly vocal in their support for Israel in the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, it is not clear that this rhetoric has produced differing attitudes about U.S. foreign policy in public opinion. This article examines whether such differences exist, & whether they are rooted in aspects of fundamentalist eschatology. Methods. Data from a national telephone survey on attitudes toward the Middle East conflict & U.S. policy were examined using multivariate regression & means comparisons. Results. These results demonstrate that Christian fundamentalists are the strongest supporters of Israel in America today. Fundamentalists have greater sympathy for Israel, oppose policies to pressure Israel, & are distinctive from all other groups in their high levels of support for continuing Israeli settlements in occupied Palestinian territories, as well as complete Israeli control of Jerusalem. Conclusion. Christian fundamentalists in America are distinctive on this vital issue in American foreign policy because of their literal interpretation of the Bible or their leaders' increased cues on Middle East policies, or both. This suggests that religion is now an important factor in understanding public opinion on U.S. foreign policy in the region. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.

Considers the potential for the 2000 US presidential election to generate black bipartisanship at the presidential level & provide the opportunity for the Republican Party to shed its negative image among Hispanic & Asian communities. The racial politics surrounding the campaign are detailed, highlighting the GOP primaries; Bill Bradley's inability to rally black supporters & the implications for Gore; accusations of tokenism levied against the Republican convention & the announcement of Joe Lieberman as the Democratic vice presidential candidate, who then had to reverse his anti-affirmative action position; Bush's aggressive campaign outreach to blacks, Hispanics, & Asians; Gore's early reluctance to address race issues; & the Democrats' late-campaign push on race. Bush failed to achieve much support among African Americans despite his massive outreach. Reasons why this was so are addressed, eg, the legacy of Bill Clinton as the most popular politician in history among black voters & the efforts of the NAACP. The rise in Hispanic support for the Republican Party is noted as one positive outcome of the campaign. It is concluded that the GOP faces a tough road in changing the status quo of US racial politics. 1 Table. J. Zendejas