Suchergebnisse

Studying Elite Cohesion in Six European Democracies5 Inter-Sectoral Cohesion in Political Communication; Measures of Inter-Sectoral Cohesion; Inter-Sectoral Cohesion from North to South; Principles, Patterns and Stances of Inter-Sectoral Elite Cohesion; Summary: Cohesion between Media and Political Elites; 6 Intra-Sectoral Cohesion of Media and Political Elites; Measures of Intra-Sectoral Cohesion; Attitudinal Congruence on the Sectoral Level; Patterns of Intra-Sectoral Cohesion; Role Specialization; Summary: Intra-Sectoral Cohesion; 7 Elite Cohesion as an Explanatory Factor. - The first comprehensive analysis of the political communication elite - high-ranking journalists, editors, politicians and their communication advisors - that shapes the content and form of political messages, news, debate and decisions in modern democracies

Im Mittelpunkt des Beitrags steht eine Analyse der politischen Kommunikationskultur in Deutschland auf Basis einer quantitativen Befragung von 360 hochrangigen Politikern, politischen Sprechern und Journalisten. Wechselseitige Machtperzeptionen und Rollenwahrnehmungen dieser Akteure werden als "kognitive Geschäftsgrundlage" der Interaktion von Politik und Medien konzeptualisiert. Zentrale Frage ist, wie sehr die Orientierung an Medienlogiken ein durchgängiges Merkmal der politischen Kommunikationsbeziehungen ist und inwieweit Diskrepanzen in den Einstellungen medialer und politischer Akteure bestehen. Die empirischen Ergebnisse verweisen auf eine politische Kommunikationskultur, die sich nicht in einem einseitigen Postulat publizistischer Imperative auf der Seite medialer Akteure und einem analogen Postulat politischer Imperative auf der Seite der Politik manifestiert. Vielmehr werden medienorientierte Aufmerksamkeitsstrategien und Rollenkonzepte von beiden Seiten geteilt. Gespalten ist die Kommunikationskultur an jenen Stellen, an denen (macht)politische Rationalitäten ins Spiel kommen.

The article analyzes and discusses recent developments in the political information environment in Denmark, understood as the supply of and demand for political news and political information in a given society. The article focuses on the supply of and demand for (political) news by traditional news media and alternative news media, as offered offline, online and on social media. The article shows that leading traditional news media are still the cornerstone of Danish news consumption, but also that users with lower levels of education and income from outside the Copenhagen area access traditional news outlets less frequently than the rest of the population. For social media, the analysis shows that Facebook remains the dominant social media platform in Denmark. At the same time, only 13 percent of Danish citizens consider "social media" as their most important source of news. Finally, the analysis of the Danish alternative media landscape shows that the monopoly position of traditional news media as a provider of news and views to a wide audience is increasingly challenged by a very heterogeneous group of new online media that includes hyperpartisan media, slow news media and debate-oriented media. The article concludes by discussing how the changes in the political information landscape can affect the democratic dialogue in Denmark.

Artiklen analyserer og diskuterer forandringer i det politiske informationslandskab i Danmark. Det politiske informationslandskab kan forstås som udbud og efterspørgsel af politiske nyheder og politisk information inden for et givet samfund. Artiklen fokuserer på udbuddet og efterspørgslen af (politiske) nyheder (offline, online og på de sociale medier) i forhold til traditionelle og alternative nyhedsmedier. Analysen viser, at de traditionelle nyhedsmedier stadig står centralt i forhold til danskernes brug af nyheder, men at lavtuddannede og lavtlønnede uden for hovestaden tilgår nyheder mindre hyppigt end resten af befolkningen. I forhold til de sociale medier viser analysen, at Facebook stadig er danskernes foretrukne sociale medieplatform. Samtidig er det kun er 13 pct. af danskerne, der samlet set betragter kategorien "sociale medier" som deres vigtigste nyhedskilde. Endelig viser analysen af forskellige typer alternative nyhedsmedier, at de traditionelle nyhedsmediers "monopolposition" som leverandør af news og views til et bredt publikum er ved at blevet udfordret af en meget heterogen skare af nye onlinemedier, der inkluderer både hyperpartiske medier, slow news medier og debatorienterede medier. Artiklen afslutter med at diskutere, hvordan forandringerne i det politiske informationslandskab kan påvirkevirke den demokratiske samtale i Danmark.

The article analyzes and discusses recent developments in the political information environment in Denmark, understood as the supply of and demand for political news and political information in a given society. The article focuses on the supply of and demand for (political) news by traditional news media and alternative news media, as offered offline, online and on social media. The article shows that leading traditional news media are still the cornerstone of Danish news consumption, but also that users with lower levels of education and income from outside the Copenhagen area access traditional news outlets less frequently than the rest of the population. For social media, the analysis shows that Facebook remains the dominant social media platform in Denmark. At the same time, only 13 percent of Danish citizens consider "social media" as their most important source of news. Finally, the analysis of the Danish alternative media landscape shows that the monopoly position of traditional news media as a provider of news and views to a wide audience is increasingly challenged by a very heterogeneous group of new online media that includes hyperpartisan media, slow news media and debate-oriented media. The article concludes by discussing how the changes in the political information landscape can affect the democratic dialogue in Denmark.

The revolving door between politics and lobbyism is growing in Denmark without this leading to any new legislation. In several countries, with which Denmark usually compares, similar developments have led to new legislation. The legislation is justified by two general considerations: protection of public trust in the political system and protection of the economic interest of the state. The article describes the rise of revolving-door lobbyism in the Nordic countries and Germany and analyzes recent legislation regulating the revolving door. It is concluded that both public trust and the economic interest of the state are mentioned as arguments for regulation. Against this backdrop, regulation of revolving-door lobbyism in Denmark is discussed.

Svingdørslobbyisme vokser i Danmark, uden at det har medført ny lovgivning. I flere lande, som Danmark normalt sammenligner sig med, har en lignende udvikling fundet sted og ført til ny lovgivning. Lovgivningen begrundes af især to overordnede hensyn: hensynet til den generelle tillid til det politiske system og hensynet til beskyttelse af statens økonomiske interesser. Artiklen beskriver fremvæksten af svingdørslobbyisme i Norden og Tyskland. Herefter analyserer artiklen nyere lovgivning om regulering af svingdørslobbyisme i Norge, Sverige og Tyskland. Det konkluderes, at hensynet til såvel økonomi som tillid fremgår af den nyere lovgivning i alle tre lande, men også at reguleringen kun indeholder svage sanktioner i tilfælde af regelbrud. På denne baggrund diskuteres regulering af svingdørslobbyisme i Danmark.

The revolving door between politics and lobbyism is growing in Denmark without this leading to any new legislation. In several countries, with which Denmark usually compares, similar developments have led to new legislation. The legislation is justified by two general considerations: protection of public trust in the political system and protection of the economic interest of the state. The article describes the rise of revolving-door lobbyism in the Nordic countries and Germany and analyzes recent legislation regulating the revolving door. It is concluded that both public trust and the economic interest of the state are mentioned as arguments for regulation. Against this backdrop, regulation of revolving-door lobbyism in Denmark is discussed.

This article presents a study on special ministerial advisers examining their careers beyond their role in the machinery of government. Applying a theoretical framework derived from the literature on the sociology of work and the transformation of the organization of politics in the Nordic welfare states, we make two theoretical points. First, special advisers are part of an emerging group of partisan policy professionals, and second, the characteristics of this group are best analyzed through the lens of the boundaryless career. By combining these two positions, we contribute to studies on special advisers by offering a longer career perspective, and we contribute to studies on the boundaryless career by analyzing a job market other than the dot-com and cultural industries. Mapping the entire career paths of all Danish special ministerial advisers from 2000 to 2017 ( n = 144), we show that the position of special adviser serves as a stepping-stone to a new labor market that typically culminates with a position in private public relations. This conclusion lends fresh support to concerns about the privatization of politics changing policy formation in the Nordic welfare states.