Suchergebnisse

Seit ihrer Entstehung im Jahr 2012 schaffte die rechtsextreme Identitäre Bewegung Österreich in bemerkenswerter Häufigkeit den Sprung in die mediale Berichterstattung. Dennoch ist die wissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit dieser Gruppierung bzw. eine Analyse der Bedingungen für ihren Erfolg bislang bestenfalls überschaubar. Vor allem eine geschlechterreflektierte Untersuchung der Identitären Bewegung blieb bisher fast gänzlich ausgespart. Dabei vermag gerade eine eingehende Betrachtung der Männlichkeitskonstruktionen in der Kommunikation dieser Organisation Antworten auf die Frage nach den Identifikationsangeboten und damit der Anschlussfähigkeit des darüber kolportierten Gedankengutes zu geben. Unter Rückgriff auf die Arbeiten von Connell, Bourdieu und Meuser werden in diesem Beitrag eben jene Identifikationsangebote aufgedeckt und in Bezug zu neokapitalistischen Funktionsweisen gesetzt. Dies ermöglicht ein grundlegendes Verständnis des fruchtbaren Zusammenwirkens ökonomischer Bedingungen und den Identifikationsangeboten hegemonialer Männlichkeit der Identitären Bewegung Österreich und trägt so zur Erklärung ihres Erfolges bei. ; Ever since the upcoming of the right-wing extremist Identitarian Movement Austria in 2012 they managed to gain a noteble amount of media coverage. However, scientific research regarding this specific political group and analyses of the conditions of its success is still lacking. Especially a genderreflective study has not been done yet. This is suprising as detailed considerations on the construction of masculinities in the organisations communication is able to deepen our understanding of the offered possibilities for identification. Moreover, this adds on a more differentiated knowlegde of the organisations connectivity and its ideology. Recurring on Connell, Bourdieu and Meuser these very possibilities for identification are identified and related to neocapitalistic mechanics. Thus, a profound understanding of the productive interaction of economic conditions and the possibilities for identification offered by the Identitarian Movements construction of hegemonic masculinity can be elaborated and adds to an explanation for their success.

Abstract
The underrepresentation of women politicians in the media is a persistent feature in many contemporary democracies. Gender bias in election coverage makes it harder for women to reach positions of power in politics. Drawing on the special circumstances in Austria during the 2019 election campaign which saw the first female top candidate of a major party and a caretaker government containing equal numbers of men and women and which was led by the country's first woman as chancellor, we examine the effect of these developments on women politicians' representation in campaign coverage. We draw on quantitative content analysis of Austrian newspaper articles (N = 16,125) during four national parliamentary election campaigns (2008, 2013, 2017 and 2019). We show that for women politicians the media ceiling is slowly lifting at best, but that positions of power provide the most promising ways to evade gendered media bias.

This paper addresses the subject of letters to the editor as one of the longest standing forums for public discussion and debate by ordinary citizens. To show how the voice of ordinary citizens is presented in letters to the editor during national election campaigns over a period of ten years (2008, 2013 & 2017), we are focusing on the Austrian Kronen Zeitung: A newspaper with an exceptionally high market share of up to 40% during the examination period, a heavy focus on the letters section with three pages per day, and a self-declared willingness to take a stance, especially during election periods. Based on a quantitative content analysis of 530 letters to the editor and 525 articles in the politics section as well as survey data from the Austrian national election study on the political positions of the Kronen Zeitungs readers, we find that letters to the editor in the Kronen Zeitung do not reflect, but complement the articles in the politics section. The tone of the letters is more negative than that of news articles, but the letters closely reflect the readers political positions, therefore offering identification with the paper. ; (VLID)5298532 ; Version of record