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First published in 1997, the aim of this book is to look at the historical materialism of E.P. Thompson while introducing him as a political thinker of distinction. The study examines many aspects of Thompson's life and work to give a comprehensive statement on his theory of historical change. It surveys the intellectual background from which he emerged; the core values of socialist humanism as understood by his generation of the Left; his contribution to history from below; his critique of structuralist Marxism; and his practical input to political dissent. The scope of this study covers fifty years of socialist polemics and offers an insight into the battles which were fought out between the old and new Left until the collapse of command-economy communism in 1989. Throughout the work of Thompson is presented as a testimony to a lineage of social thinkers as well as to the ideal of the common weal much cherished by radical practitioners of the past.

The immediate post-colonial period offered opportunities as well as formidable challenges for former colonies of European powers. While colonial mentalities still pervaded in many European capitals and paternalism remained pervasive throughout the political diplomacy of the period, other perspectives were emerging. Through innovative policy engagements that occurred in the late 1950s and into the 1960s, a new sense of transnational purpose could be seen which presented former colonies with partnership options that were seemingly and practically outside the context of the historic geo-economic imposition. Whereas some European powers continued to exert overly dismissive attitudes to African engagement and society, other approaches experimented with developmental policies that were lauded by both sides at the time. This article will look at the practice and policies of associationism - the outworking of the Yaounde and Lome agreements - and will look at the formative international cooperation policies of the European Community (EC), as it evolved through the period when former European colonies were attaining independence. Finally, it will survey the reasons for the demise of associationism and speculate on the onset of what some have described as "neo-colonalism" (Langan, 2018: 1-32; Nkrumah, 1965).

The immediate post-colonial period offered opportunities as well as formidable challenges for former colonies of European powers. While colonial mentalities still pervaded in many European capitals and paternalism remained pervasive throughout the political diplomacy of the period, other perspectives were emerging. Through innovative policy engagements that occurred in the late 1950s and into the 1960s, a new sense of transnational purpose could be seen which presented former colonies with partnership options that were seemingly and practically outside the context of the historic geo-economic imposition. Whereas some European powers continued to exert overly dismissive attitudes to African engagement and society, other approaches experimented with developmental policies that were lauded by both sides at the time. This article will look at the practice and policies of associationism - the outworking of the Yaounde and Lome agreements - and will look at the formative international cooperation policies of the European Community (EC), as it evolved through the period when former European colonies were attaining independence. Finally, it will survey the reasons for the demise of associationism and speculate on the onset of what some have described as "neo-colonalism" (Langan, 2018: 1-32; Nkrumah, 1965). ; Bezpośredni okres pokolonialny przyniósł szanse, a także ogromne wyzwania, dla byłych kolonii mocarstw europejskich. Podczas gdy mentalność kolonialna nadal przenikała wiele europejskich stolic, a paternalizm pozostawał wszechobecny w dyplomacji politycznej tamtego okresu, wyłaniały się także inne perspektywy. Dzięki nowatorskim działaniom politycznym pod koniec lat pięćdziesiątych i sześćdziesiątych XX wieku można było dostrzec nowe poczucie celu ponadnarodowego dające byłym koloniom opcje partnerstwa, które pozornie i praktycznie pozostawały poza kontekstem historycznego przypisania geoekonomicznego. Podczas gdy niektóre mocarstwa europejskie nadal wykazywały zbyt lekceważące podejście do zaangażowania i społeczeństw w Afryce, inne eksperymentowały z polityką rozwojową, która była w tamtym czasie zachwalana przez obie strony. Artykuł ukazuje praktyki i politykę układów stowarzyszeniowych - skutki porozumień z Jaunde i Lome - oraz formatywną politykę współpracy międzynarodowej Wspólnoty Europejskiej (WE), która ewoluowała w okresie, gdy dawne kolonie europejskie osiągały niezależność. Ponadto przeanalizowano przyczyny upadku stowarzyszeniowości i spekulacje na temat początku tego, co niektórzy określają jako "neokolonializm" (Langan, 2018: 1-32; Nkrumah, 1965).

Bezpośredni okres pokolonialny przyniósł szanse, a także ogromne wyzwania, dla byłych kolonii mocarstw europejskich. Podczas gdy mentalność kolonialna nadal przenikała wiele europejskich stolic, a paternalizm pozostawał wszechobecny w dyplomacji politycznej tamtego okresu, wyłaniały się także inne perspektywy. Dzięki nowatorskim działaniom politycznym pod koniec lat pięćdziesiątych i sześćdziesiątych XX wieku można było dostrzec nowe poczucie celu ponadnarodowego dające byłym koloniom opcje partnerstwa, które pozornie i praktycznie pozostawały poza kontekstem historycznego przypisania geoekonomicznego. Podczas gdy niektóre mocarstwa europejskie nadal wykazywały zbyt lekceważące podejście do zaangażowania i społeczeństw w Afryce, inne eksperymentowały z polityką rozwojową, która była w tamtym czasie zachwalana przez obie strony. Artykuł ukazuje praktyki i politykę układów stowarzyszeniowych - skutki porozumień z Jaunde i Lome - oraz formatywną politykę współpracy międzynarodowej Wspólnoty Europejskiej (WE), która ewoluowała w okresie, gdy dawne kolonie europejskie osiągały niezależność. Ponadto przeanalizowano przyczyny upadku stowarzyszeniowości i spekulacje na temat początku tego, co niektórzy określają jako "neokolonializm" (Langan, 2018: 1-32; Nkrumah, 1965). ; The immediate post-colonial period offered opportunities as well as formidable challenges for former colonies of European powers. While colonial mentalities still pervaded in many European capitals and paternalism remained pervasive throughout the political diplomacy of the period, other perspectives were emerging. Through innovative policy engagements that occurred in the late 1950s and into the 1960s, a new sense of transnational purpose could be seen which presented former colonies with partnership options that were seemingly and practically outside the context of the historic geo-economic imposition. Whereas some European powers continued to exert overly dismissive attitudes to African engagement and society, other approaches experimented with ...

The immediate post-colonial period offered opportunities as well as formidable challenges for former colonies of European powers. While colonial mentalities still pervaded in many European capitals and paternalism remained pervasive throughout the political diplomacy of the period, other perspectives were emerging. Through innovative policy engagements that occurred in the late 1950s and into the 1960s, a new sense of transnational purpose could be seen which presented former colonies with partnership options that were seemingly and practically outside the context of the historic geo-economic imposition. Whereas some European powers continued to exert overly dismissive attitudes to African engagement and society, other approaches experimented with developmental policies that were lauded by both sides at the time. This article will look at the practice and policies of associationism - the outworking of the Yaounde and Lome agreements - and will look at the formative international cooperation policies of the European Community (EC), as it evolved through the period when former European colonies were attaining independence. Finally, it will survey the reasons for the demise of associationism and speculate on the onset of what some have described as "neo-colonalism" (Langan, 2018: 1-32; Nkrumah, 1965).

Abstract
Trade unionism was at the leading edge of African freedom struggle in the 1940s and 1950s. It was an incubator where different visions of decolonized futures vied for ascendency after WWII. This article analyzes international labor networks and trade union activism in Kenya to explore the entanglements of decolonization and Cold War from Africa in the 1940s to 1960s, an era when competing modes of anticolonial internationalism laid paths to independence. This story is told in two phases. Through Makhan Singh, the article assesses the influence of Indo-African connection, Marxism and the radical left on labor organization over the 1940s. Then, through Tom Mboya, the article charts Kenyan affiliation to the anticommunist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) from the early 1950s. It shows how this internationalist volte-face transformed Kenya's trade union landscape, propelled anticolonial agitation and, by the late 1950s, wrought irreparable fractures in fledgling pan-African institutions over the very nature of postcolonialism. The article argues that mobile African labor leaders coproduced, domesticated, and molded Cold War networks—that the conduits of early global Cold War agency ran both ways. Singh and Mboya were interlocutors in pluripotent world conversations marshaled for African decolonization. They also helped delineate the terms of global dialogue at a moment of neocolonial peril and decolonizing opportunity. This calls on historians to define alternative chronologies of globalist possibility masked by the tighter constraints placed on African states in the later twentieth century.