Suchergebnisse

This review examines Ireland's foreign relations in 2022. As Ireland emerged from the final period of Covid pandemic restrictions it faced an unstable world. Russia's illegal escalation of its war in Ukraine would be the main focus of Ireland's engagement with the world. The EU agenda was dominated by the response to the conflict and Ireland demonstrated solidarity with its partners. 2022 was also the second and final year of Ireland's membership of the UN Security Council and saw Ireland take up the Presidency of the Council of Europe. Relations with the UK were strained by ongoing tensions over the Northern Ireland Protocol, not helped by political instability at Westminster. The review outlines how Ireland managed its foreign relations in this period and concludes by noting some significant deaths during the year.

ABSTRACT: This review examines Ireland's foreign relations in 2022. As Ireland emerged from the final period of Covid pandemic restrictions it faced an unstable world. Russia's illegal escalation of its war in Ukraine would be the main focus of Ireland's engagement with the world. The EU agenda was dominated by the response to the conflict and Ireland demonstrated solidarity with its partners. 2022 was also the second and final year of Ireland's membership of the UN Security Council and saw Ireland take up the Presidency of the Council of Europe. Relations with the UK were strained by ongoing tensions over the Northern Ireland Protocol, not helped by political instability at Westminster. The review outlines how Ireland managed its foreign relations in this period and concludes by noting some significant deaths during the year.

How do European Union security practices constitute the EU as an 'actor' in global politics? Debates about the EU's actorness are as old as the concept of European integration itself. Christopher J. Bickerton has argued that rather than debating the EU's role in global politics from the perspective of 'actorness', research should focus on the functions of EU policy practices and the role they play in defining and creating that 'actorness'. His approach leaves unquestioned the relationship between identity, interests and these practices. This article reorients these discussions towards the literature on security, identity and foreign policy. It argues that security practices are performative, that they play an active role in constructing the 'selves' they claim to protect and the 'others' deemed threatening or as targets for intervention. It proceeds by examining twenty-first-century European security practices in order to understand what, if any, security identity the EU is constructing. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractHow do European Union security practices constitute the EU as an 'actor' in global politics? Debates about the EU's actorness are as old as the concept of European integration itself. Christopher J. Bickerton has argued that rather than debating the EU's role in global politics from the perspective of 'actorness', research should focus on the functions of EU policy practices and the role they play in defining and creating that 'actorness'. His approach leaves unquestioned the relationship between identity, interests and these practices. This article reorients these discussions towards the literature on security, identity and foreign policy. It argues that security practices are performative, that they play an active role in constructing the 'selves' they claim to protect and the 'others' deemed threatening or as targets for intervention. It proceeds by examining twenty‐first‐century European security practices in order to understand what, if any, security identity the EU is constructing.

Since the end of the Cold War the narrative of Europe has had to change in terms of defining what had hitherto been externally defined limits to defining Europe's role in what President Bush identified as a 'New World Order'. The early results of this process were mixed, on the hand there were the successful transitions in central and Eastern Europe culminating in accession in 2004. While on the other there was the inability of the EU to prevent ethnic cleansing in the Balkans. Even accession posed difficulties in terms of Europe's identity as a global actor with divisions apparent over the US decision to go to war in Iraq and the conduct of the War on Terror. This paper argues, following Campbell, that security practices are performative, that is to say they play an active role in constructing the 'selves' which they claim to protect and indeed the 'others' whom are deemed threatening. This paper seeks to examine 21st century European security practices in order to examine what, if any, security identity is being constructed by the EU. The particular focus will be on the recent EUFOR mission in Chad and the EUNAVFOR mission in the Gulf of Aden.

How were the US military interventions in the 'War on Terror' possible? This thesis argues that intervention in the 'War on Terror' was rendered possible through the strategic use of language that located intervention as consistent with pre-existing societal narratives of national identity in the American context, particularly those associated with the idea of American Exceptionalism. The thesis will treat of the Foreign Policy discourse of the Bush Administration after September 11th 2001 in order to answer the above question. A secondary aim of this thesis is to contribute to the growing body of literature that takes a Discourse Theory approach to the study of International Relations. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie