This book will change the way Americans think about their cities. It provides a comprehensive economic and social history of urban America since 1950, covering the 29 largest urban areas of that period. Specifically, the book covers 17 cities in the North.
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The story of the ghostwriting of Alfred P. Sloan's best-selling memoir, General Motor's attempts to block the book's publication, and the author's eventual triumph over the corporation.Published in 1964, My Years with General Motors was an immediate best-seller and today is considered one of the few classic books on management. The book is the ghostwritten memoir of Alfred P. Sloan, Jr. (1875-1966), whose business and management strategies enabled General Motors to overtake Ford as the dominant American automobile manufacturer in the 1920s and 1930s.What has been largely unknown until now is that My Years with General Motors was almost not published. Although it was written with the permission of General Motors--and slated for publication in October 1959--at the last minute General Motors tried to suppress the book out of fears that some of the material in it could become evidence in an antitrust action against the company. This book, by John McDonald, Sloan's ghostwriter, tells the behind-the-scenes story of the book's writing, its attempted suppression, and the lawsuit that eventually led to its publication. McDonald's narrative is partly the David-and-Goliath story of a lone journalist taking on the world's then-largest corporation and partly a study of strategy in its own right. McDonald's struggle to publish the book led him to navigate a complicated course among the competing interests of General Motors, Fortune magazine (his employer), and Time, Inc. (Fortune's owner). In many ways this "book about the book" parallels the Sloan book as a tale of successful, brilliantly planned strategy.
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In theDomesday survey of 1086, information on the inputs and output of most production units in theEnglish economy was carefully collected by questionnaire survey and verified in court. In this paper,Essex estate data are used to assess whether similar production functions describe production for the three major classes of production unit in the economy – king's, ecclesiastical, and lay estates. A data envelopment analysis is undertaken to determine whether production on one class of estate was more efficient than on the others. The evidence suggests that production processes and management performance were similar on the three classes of estate.
Presented at a workshop entitled "Stepping toward the future: marketing environmental services on working lands of the American West" on May 23-25, 2011 on the CSU campus. The purpose of the workshop was to bring together regional and national leaders from the ranching community, conservation organizations, businesses, universities, and government to explore ways to catalyze the development of payments for ecosystem services in Colorado and across the American West. Over 80 participants attended the conference, which also highlighted the CCC's work to create an ecosystem marketplace in northern Colorado. ; Includes recorded video presentation. ; In Panel discussion #1, representatives from three stakeholders of an ecosystem marketplace discuss the creation of the market, how their organizations participate, and why they are participating. Participants include a farmer (supply side), water utility (demand side), and market organizer. ; In this video John McDonald, a farmer, speaks as one of three stakeholders of an ecosystem marketplace.
Using domestic violence support services as a case study, this paper examines how the ascendancy of neo‐liberalism has individualised and pathologised public issues. Four perspectives are identified that have been influential in understanding the causes of domestic violence, determining responses to it and measuring the effectiveness of support services. These four perspectives may be categorised as: (i) victim‐blaming; (ii) social movement; (iii) empowerment; and (iv) pathologising. From analysing the standard outcome measures currently used for government‐funded accommodation programs, the author contends that the pathologising perspective dominates. This is partly attributable to the inherent methodological and ethical issues in evaluating programs of this nature. However, it is primarily driven by the ascendancy of a neo‐liberal, managerialist ideology that has depoliticised and clinicalised domestic violence. This has effectively silenced structural analyses of domestic violence and displaced feminist service models.