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Aunty Mary Graham, Kombu-merri elder and philosopher, says: "You are not alone in the world." We have a responsibility to each other, as well as to the land; and violence is the refusal of this relationship that binds us (Rose). In this paper, I use Emannuel Levinas's ethics as first philosophy and epistemological violence to consider how non-Indigenous educators come to know Indigenous people. In his philosophy, Levinas presents a paradox: that to act as if one is a free being, as first philosophy, is to ignore that one is not alone in the world and that the presence of others evokes responsibility. However, to claim to know another is to bring them into one's totality, one's knowledge framework; an act of reducing another to who you think they are. We must find a new relationship to knowledge, one that is not based on possession. For non-Indigenous educators learning about teaching Indigenous students and perspectives in schools, much of the curricular material draws on the corpus of knowledge constructed by non-Indigenous researchers, politicians, and professionals about Indigenous people (Nakata, Cultural Interface). This material is already bound by others' interests and motivations. How can non-Indigenous educators engage with Indigenous peoples, histories and knowledges in a way that foregrounds the responsibility that our entanglement prompts? In this paper, I present data from my research into pre-service teachers undertaking a compulsory university subject in Indigenous education, where the pre-service teachers wrote weekly reflective learning journals. This data is drawn primarily from the end of the semester, where students reflected on what their learning would mean as they moved into future practice. I explore the role of responsibility in regards to the ethical violence that Levinas discusses.

Objective: To analyse the implicit discourses within the COVID-19 policy response for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander remote communities. Method: This paper uses Bacchi's 'What is the Problem Represented to Be' framework to analyse the Emergency Requirements for Remote Communities Determination under Subsection 477(1) of the Biosecurity Act 2015 (Cth). Results: Despite the leadership of community-controlled health services and regional councils, and the actions of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, the policy response constructs Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as vulnerable and mobility as a problem that needs a law and order response. Conclusions: The policy response perpetuates an ongoing paternalistic discourse where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people must be controlled for the sake of their health, informed by notions of Indigeneity as deficient. This stands in contrast with the work of community-controlled health organisations, advocacy by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people for and against restrictions, and examples of communities protecting themselves. Implications for public health: Unilateral government intervention creates limiting discourses of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. In contrast, ongoing COVID-19 responses can build on the strengths of and work done by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families, leaders, and communities.

Objective: To analyse the implicit discourses within the COVID‐19 policy response for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander remote communities. Method: This paper uses Bacchi's 'What is the Problem Represented to Be' framework to analyse the Emergency Requirements for Remote Communities Determination under Subsection 477(1) of the Biosecurity Act 2015 (Cth). Results: Despite the leadership of community‐controlled health services and regional councils, and the actions of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, the policy response constructs Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as vulnerable and mobility as a problem that needs a law and order response. Conclusions: The policy response perpetuates an ongoing paternalistic discourse where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people must be controlled for the sake of their health, informed by notions of Indigeneity as deficient. This stands in contrast with the work of community‐controlled health organisations, advocacy by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people for and against restrictions, and examples of communities protecting themselves. Implications for public health: Unilateral government intervention creates limiting discourses of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. In contrast, ongoing COVID‐19 responses can build on the strengths of and work done by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families, leaders, and communities.

The School Strike for Climate campaign led to public discussion about children's political participation. Children are generally excluded from formal political systems, however this campaign challenges mainstream attitudes that children are not sufficiently competent to participate in politics. This paper presents an analysis of Australian mainstream media representations of adult responses to the School Strike for Climate events held in Australia in March 2019. When analysed against theories of childhood, two primary narratives are reflected in what adults said about children's participation in the campaign. Anticipatory narratives focus on children appropriately developing into adults, and are represented by the notion that strikers should be in school, be punished for missing school, and are 'just kids' who should not be listened to. Protectionist narratives seek to shelter children from adult matters, suggesting strikers were brainwashed and raising welfare concerns. Neither of these narratives regard children as citizens capable of political voice, despite these children acting prefiguratively to create a world in which their civic participation is valued. Social movement theories of prefiguration are also explored in this paper, providing a counter argument to suggestions that children have no political agency and should be excluded from activism and discussions regarding climate change.