Suchergebnisse

Nach dem Riesenrummel der weltgrößten Wahlen ist die indische Regierung erstaunlich still geworden. Statt mit den Medien zusammenzuarbeiten, scheint die von Narendra Modi geführte neue Regierung lieber direkt durch die sozialen Netzwerke zu kommunizieren. Was bedeutet das für den traditionellen Journalismus und die Demokratie in Indien?

"This book examines in detail the strategic relevance of the Arthashastra. Attributed to the fourth century BCE, this classical treatise on state and statecraft rests at the intersection of political theory and international relations. Adopting a hermeneutic approach, the book discusses certain homologies related to concepts such as power, order, and morality. Underlining the conceptual value of the Arthashastra and classical texts such as Hitopdesha and Pancatantra, this volume highlights the non-western perspectives related to diplomacy and statecraft. It shows how a comparative analysis of these texts reveal a continuity rather than a change in the styles, tactics and political strategies. The book also showcases the value these ancient texts can bring to the study of contemporary international relations and political theory. This volume will be of interest to students, scholars and teachers of political studies, Indian political thought, and philosophy, South Asian studies, political theory and international relations"--

"This book examines in detail the strategic relevance of the Arthashastra. Attributed to the fourth century BCE, this classical treatise on state and statecraft rests at the intersection of political theory and international relations. Adopting a hermeneutic approach, the book discusses certain homologies related to concepts such as power, order, and morality. Underlining the conceptual value of the Arthashastra and classical texts such as Hitopdesha and Pancatantra, this volume highlights the non-western perspectives related to diplomacy and statecraft. It shows how a comparative analysis of these texts reveal a continuity rather than a change in the styles, tactics and political strategies. The book also showcases the value these ancient texts can bring to the study of contemporary international relations and political theory. This volume will be of interest to students, scholars and teachers of political studies, Indian political thought, and philosophy, South Asian studies, political theory and international relations"--

This article analyses how linguistic minorities in the province of Bihar navigated the era of linguistic territorialism, when mainstream political organisations and figures within India largely agreed that specific linguistic communities 'belonged' in particular regions. Indian scholarship has tended to focus on the mechanisms that brought about the linguistic reorganisation of states in India, therefore, concentrating largely on the ways in which territory and language became intrinsically connected. This article will examine the link of language and belonging with regard to a 'community', which demanded that states remain linguistically and culturally heterogenous. It focuses on the section of Biharis that identified Bengali as their 'mother-tongue' and tracks the transformation of Bengali politics within the province/state during the transition from colonial rule to independence. It explores the ways in which narratives of historical Bengali settlement were deployed for different reasons across this period, and argues that Bengalis in Bihar conceptualised the ordering of the Indian nation in a way that was inherently different from mainstream understandings of how the country should be ordered during this period. Bengali-Bihari figures and publications deployed rhetoric that attached much greater value to territorial belonging than to linguistic or cultural belonging. This article demonstrates that contrary to common assumptions, there were large groups of people who conceptualised India not just as a linguistically heterogenous nation, but one that consisted of linguistically heterogenous states that protected minority linguistic communities.

Following Mahatma Gandhi is inspiring. But at the same time, it also brings certain feelings of guilt because one needs to follow not only his politics but also his ethics and thinking. Today neither Gandhi nor Gandhism has survived, not in our economy, not in our politics and certainly not in our society. Still, in the little things that surround us, somehow the idea of Gandhi remains alive. People who belong to the dalit, adivasi communities, farmers and labourers from the unorganised sector have shown their courage, commitment and confidence to fight their battles and continue their understanding of satyagraha and Gandhi. But times are changing. Casteism and communalism are now compelling everyone to fight a new freedom movement. What kind of satyagraha is needed to deal with these concerns? One effective way is through non-party people's movements that necessarily define and re-define their own politics. These mass organisations have to challenge themselves to deal with the reality of not only casteism and communalism, but also that of the current development paradigm. Our next step is also to minimise consumerism to save nature, people and their livelihood.

AbstractThis article concerns the history of economic planning in India in the late 1960s, when a vigorous debate took place on the institutions, instruments, and 'personnel' of developmental planning. Examining the years from 1967 to 1971, this article shows how dramatic attempts were made by warring politicians with the help of technocrats to decentralize economic planning, grant states more fiscal autonomy, and drastically reduce the powers of the Planning Commission. This article examines how these critical economic initiatives unfolded but were ultimately overshadowed by political power struggles in which the planning process and the Planning Commission became important tools in attempts for centralization.

Going beyond the binaries of Western and non-Western, this article lays out a conceptual–analytical frame for understanding 'order' in international relations (IR). What does 'order' mean? What are its key characteristics? How is the conventional 'Western' understanding different from or similar to the understanding advanced in Arthashastra? These are some questions that this article seeks to address. The article picks up the discussion on English School of IR, juxtaposing it with Kautilya's Arthashastra. The indicators chosen for this more revisionist interpretation of the text are 'operative principles', 'code of conduct' and 'structures'. It is argued that the Kautilyan concept of order is broadly normative whereby norms were stipulated by the dharmashastras. Thus, underlining the distinct cultural and contextual undertones, the article emphasises that the normative underpinnings of 'order' in Arthashastra have to be read within the existing philosophical frames of the Hindu tradition. The cognitive–cultural frame of understanding orders perhaps best suits the purpose.