Suchergebnisse

En este artículo se examina un conjunto de revistas uruguayas que iniciaron su publicación como respuesta local a los peligros del avance del nacionalsocialismo alemán durante la Segunda Guerra. Partiendo de la teoría del complot como ficción mundial vigente en la época (Louis 2007) y de los debates del contexto político nacional, se analiza la representación y los usos de la amenaza nazi que exhiben estas publicaciones. El trabajo pone en evidencia cómo las revistas colaboraron con la hibridación del imaginario del nazismo y con la difusión de una narrativa del temor y la sospecha. El estudio de estas publicaciones "antinazis" permite, asimismo, echar luces sobre trayectorias intelectuales individuales y esbozar la continuidad de una red de escritores uruguayos antifascistas forjada en la década del treinta bajo la experiencia de la dictadura de Terra y de la adhesión a la causa de la España republicana. ; This article examines a set of Uruguayan magazines first published as a local response to the dangers of German National Socialist progress during the Second World War. Starting from plot theory as a world fiction in force at the time (Louis 2007) and the debates of the national political context, it analyzes the representation and uses of the Nazi threat that these publications exhibit. The work highlights the ways in which these magazines collaborated with the hybridization of the imaginary of Nazism and the dissemination of a narrative of fear and suspicion. Moreover, the study of these "anti-Nazi" publications allows us to shed light on individual intellectual paths and sketch the continuity of a network of Uruguayan anti-fascist writers forged during the 1930s under the experience of Terra's dictatorship and the adherence to the cause of Republican Spain.

This article examines a set of Uruguayan magazines first published as a local response to the dangers of German National Socialist progress during the Second World War. Starting from plot theory as a world fiction in force at the time (Louis 2007) and the debates of the national political context, it analyzes the representation and uses of the Nazi threat that these publications exhibit. The work highlights the ways in which these magazines collaborated with the hybridization of the imaginary of Nazism and the dissemination of a narrative of fear and suspicion. Moreover, the study of these "anti-Nazi" publications allows us to shed light on individual intellectual paths and sketch the continuity of a network of Uruguayan anti-fascist writers forged during the 1930s under the experience of Terra's dictatorship and the adherence to the cause of Republican Spain. ; En este artículo se examina un conjunto de revistas uruguayas que iniciaron su publicación como respuesta local a los peligros del avance del nacionalsocialismo alemán durante la Segunda Guerra. Partiendo de la teoría del complot como ficción mundial vigente en la época (Louis 2007) y de los debates del contexto político nacional, se analiza la representación y los usos de la amenaza nazi que exhiben estas publicaciones. El trabajo pone en evidencia cómo las revistas colaboraron con la hibridación del imaginario del nazismo y con la difusión de una narrativa del temor y la sospecha. El estudio de estas publicaciones "antinazis" permite, asimismo, echar luces sobre trayectorias intelectuales individuales y esbozar la continuidad de una red de escritores uruguayos antifascistas forjada en la década del treinta bajo la experiencia de la dictadura de Terra y de la adhesión a la causa de la España republicana

Both countries and subnational governments commonly engage in competition for mobile capital, offering generous incentives to attract investment. Existing economics research has suggested that these tax incentives have a limited ability to affect investment patterns and are often excessively costly when measured against the amount of investment and jobs created. In this paper, we argue instead that the 'competition' for capital can be politically beneficial to incumbent politicians. Building off work on electoral pandering, we argue that incentives allow politicians to take credit for firms' investment decisions. We test the empirical implications of this theory using a nationwide Internet survey, which employs a randomized experiment to test how voters evaluate the performance of incumbent US governors. Our findings illustrate a critical political benefit of offering such incentives. Politicians can use these incentives to take credit for investment flowing into their districts and to minimize the political fallout when investors choose to locate elsewhere. Adapted from the source document.