Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction. Star-Crossed Lovers? Decolonial Thought and Critical Race Theory -- 1. Against Zero-Point Epistemology: Delinking, Border Thinking, and Counter-storytelling -- 2. When Postcolonial Melancholia Meets Post-racial Ideology: On Right-Wing Populism -- 3. National Abjects in the "Fourth World War": Crises of Neoliberal Capitalism -- 4. Environmental Racism and the Logic of Coloniality -- 5. When Universalism Kills, When Post-racialism Exonerates: COVID-19 and the Myth of a "Great Reset" -- Conclusion. "A World in Which Many Worlds Fit": Decolonial Thought and Critical Race Theory in the Pluriverse -- Notes -- References -- Index.

Introduction: Sociology and coloniality -- The decolonial challenge to sociology -- Beyond intellectual imperialism : indigenous and autonomous sociologies -- Walking while asking questions : towards a 'sociology in conversations' -- Conclusion: Sociology and the decolonial option.

This article develops an alternative vision of public sociology. Whereas public sociology is often defined through the actions of professional sociologists, this article calls for a recognition of reverse tutelage in public sociology. Here, publics are seen as sociological interlocutors who can, and often do, produce sociological theories and analyses that can inform professional sociology. I demonstrate this reverse tutelage by focusing on anticolonial and anti-racist social movements, including the Zapatistas, Black Lives Matter, Palestine Action, and Cops Are Flops. I highlight how they produce sociological theories of power, neoliberalism, race, bordering, and violence that can orient professional sociology toward relational forms of analysis that build connections between different sites of resistance. In doing so, I highlight how the boundary between what Burawoy terms "professional" and "critical" sociology is much more porous than initially theorized and that critical sociology—from wider publics—can significantly shape professional sociology.

Drawing upon 23 qualitative interviews, and ethnographic work in London, this article explores how black middle-class individuals in the UK decode forms of middle-class cultural capital. This decoding is two staged. Firstly, black middle-class individuals often decode dominant or 'traditional' middle-class cultural capital as white. This involves a recognition that certain forms of middle-class cultural capital are marked as racially exclusive, and are reproduced and recognised in 'white spaces'. Secondly, black middle-class individuals also decode alternative forms of cultural capital as woven into a greater project of racial uplift. Such alternative forms of cultural capital are defined as 'black cultural capital', and tend to be based around fulfilling a cultural politics of black representation.

AbstractIn this paper, I explore the experiences of the Black middle classes across the United States, United Kingdom (UK), and South Africa. I argue that the similar experiences the Black middle classes face across these nations are not coincidental but represent the process of globalised White hegemony. Globalised White hegemony refers to how the middle class, transnationally, is often understood as a symbolic category informed by specific White norms, identifications, and practices. I explore globalised White hegemony through three areas of Black middle‐class experience: identity, interactions, and ideologies. Thus, I examine how across the UK, United States, and South Africa, the Black middle classes construct public identities according to White norms, encounter interactions through which their blackness negatively trumps their middle‐class status, and confront classed‐racialised ideologies, which construe the Black middle class as inauthentic. I argue in this paper that central to fleshing out the similarities in Black middle‐class experiences across the globe is engaging in relational sociology, which stresses the globalised nature of contemporary raciality.

Drawing upon 38 qualitative interviews with Black and South Asian middle-class individuals we theorise post-racialism as a hegemonic ideology. While research tends to focus on how racialised people experience racial inequality, some of our participants rationalised such inequality through a post-racial understanding. This post-racial understanding involves commitments to racial progress and transcendence, the view that racism is no longer a societal issue; race-neutral universalism, the belief that we live in a colourblind meritocracy; and a moral equivalence between anti-racism and anti-racialism, allowing for forms of 'cultural' racial prejudice. We examine how these components of post-racialism travel from the political macro-ideological level, to the micro-phenomenological level. Through this analysis we argue that these post-racial rationalisations are not the result of false consciousness, but reflect how post-racialism, as a hegemonic ideology, can manifest itself as common-sense and consistent with particular individuals' histories of mobility and success.

This article looks at the British government's handling of the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic. We argue that to analyse the government's handling of this situation, we need to synergize insights from critical race theory (CRT) with decolonial thought. CRT shows how the pandemic has revealed and exacerbated racial inequalities within Britain, while these inequalities are then explained away through a post-racial ideology. Contrastingly, decolonial thought helps us to understand how Britain practises western and little Englander universalisms; neglecting other countries' successful strategies of handling the pandemic, as they seek to pursue a 'world-beating' strategy to defeat the virus rather than help forge a global solidarity.