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AbstractWhile the interaction between transport and agglomeration economies is widely accepted, there is insufficient research attempting at a direct empirical quantification. Using a balanced panel dataset for US metropolitan areas, we estimate a system of simultaneous equations to measure the indirect effect of urban agglomeration economies which arises through transport provision. Our findings suggest that public transit reinforces the effect of urban agglomeration, whereas road lane miles appear to weaken it. The results highlight the importance of public transit in supporting positive urban agglomeration externalities.

AbstractThis paper measures the extent of inequality of opportunity at the national level and by degree of urbanization. Using data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU‐SILC), we implement regression models to measure the share of the variation in individuals' labour income that is due to uncontrollable circumstances, namely the relative importance of parental education, activity status of parents, occupation of father and household financial situation. Our results indicate that the level of inequality of opportunity at the country level ranges between 5% and 26% for the sample of countries studied. The analysis by degree of urbanization does not provide evidence of cities as social elevators compared with less urbanized regions.

Inequality in individuals' outcomes resulting from unequal access to opportunities due to differences in individual circumstances, such as family background and/or race, are generally considered to be unfair and ethically unacceptable. Since wealthier individuals and their families tend to live in more affluent areas and mingle with similar more affluent peers, the territorial distribution of inequality of opportunity may partially be viewed as a measure of the extent of spatial (in)justice. One of the ways governments can use to mitigate inequality of opportunity is to improve access to socially valued resources, e.g. education, health. If the spatial distribution of these resources is not equitable, or prevents equitable access to them, persistent or even growing differences in inequality of opportunity may arise. Improving the spatial distribution of socially valued resources can help individuals enhance their socioeconomic prospects, while also increasing the full utilization of territorial capital and, consequently, contribute to greater socioeconomic cohesion. This paper measures the extent of inequality of opportunity at the national level and by degree of urbanization for the countries covered in the survey European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC). Emphasis on the degree of urbanization allows exploring whether large(r) cities can act as social elevators compared to smaller urban and rural areas. Using the EU-SILC data, we implement regression models to measure the percentage of the variation in individual's labour income that is due to family background, namely, the education, occupation and activity status of parents, and household financial situation.Our results indicate substantial variation in inequality of opportunity ranging from 4% (Iceland) to 25% (Luxemburg). In addition, the distinction between more liberal economies and the rest of the countries is seen with the former more income unequal, however, with the smaller impact of family-related factors on individual's income. Moreover, the findings suggest that cities, especially larger ones, do not seem to work as social elevators and may in fact benefit individuals with a better family background. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Inequality in individuals' outcomes resulting from unequal access to opportunities due to differences in individual circumstances, such as family background and/or race, are generally considered to be unfair and ethically unacceptable. Since wealthier individuals and their families tend to live in more affluent areas and mingle with similar more affluent peers, the territorial distribution of inequality of opportunity may partially be viewed as a measure of the extent of spatial (in)justice. One of the ways governments can use to mitigate inequality of opportunity is to improve access to socially valued resources, e.g. education, health. If the spatial distribution of these resources is not equitable, or prevents equitable access to them, persistent or even growing differences in inequality of opportunity may arise. Improving the spatial distribution of socially valued resources can help individuals enhance their socioeconomic prospects, while also increasing the full utilization of territorial capital and, consequently, contribute to greater socioeconomic cohesion. This paper measures the extent of inequality of opportunity at the national level and by degree of urbanization for the countries covered in the survey European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC). Emphasis on the degree of urbanization allows exploring whether large(r) cities can act as social elevators compared to smaller urban and rural areas. Using the EUSILC data, we implement regression models to measure the percentage of the variation in individual's labour income that is due to family background, namely, the education, occupation and activity status of parents, and household financial situation. Our results indicate substantial variation in inequality of opportunity ranging from 4% (Iceland) to 25% (Luxemburg). In addition, the distinction between more liberal economies and the rest of the countries is seen with the former more income unequal, however, with the smaller impact of family-related factors on individual's income. Moreover, the findings suggest that cities, especially larger ones, do not seem to work as social elevators and may in fact benefit individuals with a better family background. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This work analyzes the effects of home-based teleworking on the number of trips and weekly miles travelled by mode and purpose for one-worker households in Great Britain using data from the National Travel Survey for the period between 2005 and 2012. Two path analysis models are developed, one considering weekly trips and travel distances by mode and the other weekly trips and travel distances by purpose. Both models consider teleworking frequency in the context of home and workplace land-use characteristics, commuting distance, car ownership levels and weekly trips and travel distances. This framework allows us to explicitly model endogenous relations in the chains of decisions relating these variables. The results suggest that home-based teleworking is a strategy used by people to cope with long and costly commutes. Workers living in less transit accessible areas and with longer commutes tend to work from home more frequently. The main conclusions relating to teleworking frequency point to the fact that it increases weekly miles travelled, particularly by car, while it does not reduce commuting distances travelled. These results suggest that home-based teleworking is not an effective travel demand management strategy, particularly because it seems to increase car use. The overall main result is that teleworkers travel more by more polluting transport modes.

This paper analyzes the impact of the newly operated Dubai Metro on the sale transaction value of dwellings and commercial properties. The effect is estimated for properties within different catchment zones of a metro station using difference-in-differences and hedonic pricing methods on both repeated cross-sectional data and pseudo panel data. Our estimates show a positive effect of the metro on sale values of both residential and commercial properties, although the effect is stronger for commercial properties. The models also reveal that the effect of the metro on the value of dwellings and commercial properties is largest within 701 to 900 meters of a metro station and is about 13 percent and 76 percent, respectively.

While the EU Commission has encouraged Member States to combine national and international climate change mitigation measures with subnational environmental policies, there has been little harmonized effort towards the quantification of embodied greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from household consumption across European regions. This study develops an inventory of carbon footprints associated with household consumption for 177 regions in 27 EU countries, thus, making a key contribution for the incorporation of consumption-based accounting into local decision-making. Footprint calculations are based on consumer expenditure surveys and environmental and trade detail from the EXIOBASE 2.3 multiregional input-output database describing the world economy in 2007 at the detail of 43 countries, 5 rest-of-the-world regions and 200 product sectors. Our analysis highlights the spatial heterogeneity of embodied GHG emissions within multiregional countries with subnational ranges varying widely between 0.6 and 6.5 tCO2e/cap. The significant differences in regional contribution in terms of total and per capita emissions suggest notable differences with regards to climate change responsibility. The study further provides a breakdown of regional emissions by consumption categories (e.g. housing, mobility, food). In addition, our region-level study evaluates driving forces of carbon footprints through a set of socio-economic, geographic and technical factors. Income is singled out as the most important driver for a region's carbon footprint, although its explanatory power varies significantly across consumption domains. Additional factors that stand out as important on the regional level include household size, urban-rural typology, level of education, expenditure patterns, temperature, resource availability and carbon intensity of the electricity mix. The lack of cross-national region-level studies has so far prevented analysts from drawing broader policy conclusions that hold beyond national and regional borders. ; publishedVersion ; Original content from this work may be used under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 licence. Any further distribution of this work must maintain attribution to the author(s) and the title of the work, journal citation and DOI.