The use of trials in the policy process is often presented as a move towards evidence-based policy and away from authority-, ideology- or faith-based policy. However, this paper will draw on two UK examples of unpublished policy trials in order to argue that – when policy is based on such research – it should not usually be described as evidence-based. Instead, the paper will argue that policies based on such unpublished trials are, at best, authority-based.
Drawing on multi-method research, this article demonstrates that the risks of large-scale trafficking due to the war in Ukraine were mitigated by granting Ukrainians more extensive rights than typically afforded to refugees. This shows the advantages of rights-based approaches to migration and labour exploitation. We draw on Bakhtin's and Žižek's work on the carnivalesque to argue that mainstream anti-trafficking initiatives—which are depoliticised and able to win support and funding from across the political spectrum—often serve merely as theatrical and distracting sideshows diverting attention from more impactful activities and the normalised exploitation within capitalism. However, avoiding trafficking is insufficient if Ukrainian citizens and residents still endure exploitative conditions. A weakened legal framework for workers' rights within Ukraine alongside inadequate labour protections across Europe have facilitated such exploitation. In contrast to the depoliticised stance of the anti-trafficking industry, this article concludes that more explicitly political actions supporting migrants' rights, workers' rights, and access to welfare and public services will not only more effectively challenge trafficking but also prevent other exploitation of migrants.
This article responds to Gozdziak's (2015: 30) call to explore how the knowledge that informs public debates about human trafficking is generated. Media imagery and narratives play a significant role in constructing both knowledge and ignorance. This article reflects on the construction of such knowledge by analysing how anti-trafficking docufiction videos from the Unchosen competition dramatize trafficking. We draw on Goffman's (1974) work on frames to analyse how these videos present a simplified interpretation of reality, where certain constructed aspects of trafficking and exploitation are represented by video-makers as illustrating the general. In doing so, we highlight how anti-trafficking docufictions help efface everyday exploitation. The article contributes both to the empirical research on the construction of knowledge about trafficking, and to critical conceptual work on (anti)trafficking, exploitation and ignorance. It is part of a broader project to challenge exceptionalizing and individualizing representations of human trafficking – aiming to engage better with everyday exploitation.
Dominant anti-trafficking policy discourses represent trafficking as an issue of crime, "illegal" migration, victimhood and humanitarianism. Such a narrow focus is not an adequate response to the interplay between technology, trafficking and anti-trafficking. This article explores different levels of analysis and the interplay between human trafficking and technology. We argue for a shift from policy discourses with a very limited focus on crime and victimisation to more systemic understandings of trafficking and more robust micro-analyses of trafficking and everyday life. The article calls for an agnotological understanding of policy responses to trafficking and technology: these depend upon the production of ignorance. We critique limitations in policy understandings of trafficking-related aspects of online spaces, and argue for better engagement with online networks. We conclude that there is a need to move beyond a focus on "new" technology and exceptionalist claims about "modern slavery" towards greater attention to everyday exploitation within neoliberalism. ; The People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme FP7/2007-2013/ REA grant agreement PIEF-GA-2011-29840
This book explores the right of access to environmental information, considering both the environmental aspirations which underlie the right and how far these are evidenced in the right's use in practice. The right has a history separate from wider moves towards freedom of information. From its origins in the Rio Declaration to its current embodiment in the Aarhus Convention, a key aim of the right is to promote environmental governance and protect the environment through the provision of environmental information, both proactively and upon request.However, there is little empirical evidence to show whether the right is achieving these environmental aims, if it is being used for its intended environmental purpose, or even how far it is being viewed as distinct from the general right to information. This book seeks to fill this gap through qualitative research conducted in Scotland, the findings of which highlight that individuals who seek environmental information under the right are often doing so for personal or professional reasons that do not further the right's environmental purpose. This is significant, because if the right is not being used for its intended environmental purpose, then its contribution to environmental governance can be questioned, as can the value of maintaining this specific right, distinct from wider freedom of information laws.
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Sport's transformative potential is known to support marginalised children, to deal with traumatic experiences and instil positive values; yet hosting mega sporting events (MSEs) can have negative impacts. Drawing on participatory research with favela‐based children during the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, this article argues that MSEs bring a macro‐securitisation of urban life, which causes considerable harm. This paper also suggests that the inclusion of children's voices in advocacy debates can challenge top‐down securitisation and might allow MSEs to foster further positive social transformation. Therefore, juxtaposed with causing harm, macro‐securitisations can open opportunities for children to take action and have their voices heard.
AbstractDespite the ubiquity of poverty, its causes remain largely misunderstood and many attribute poverty to individual shortcomings. This stigma not only predicts negative physical and mental health outcomes for those living in poverty, it also psychologically distances them from the economically advantaged. Thus, solutions to the problem of poverty should include efforts to reduce stigma among the economically advantaged, who are often crucial decision‐makers with the power and resources to act as allies. The current research utilized an intensive and immersive intervention designed to challenge the attributions that underpin poverty stigma. In two studies, we tested the effectiveness of this intervention. Results of both studies demonstrate that participation in the intervention consistently predicted more favorable attributions for poverty, and that these changes in attributions, in turn, had meaningful positive effects on participants' support for poverty‐reducing policies and willingness to engage in poverty‐related allyship.