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Much is being written about China's new 'One Belt, One Road' initiative, but much of the writing focuses on China itself, on the destinations of the road – Europe and the Middle East – or on the countries through which the road passes, such as Central Asia. This book takes a different approach, assessing the views of East Asian and other countries on the Belt and Road Initiative, both from a transnational and multidisciplinary perspective. The book considers international visions and limitations of the New Silk Road as a new paradigm, explores economic and trade aspects, including infrastructure networks, financial mechanisms, and the likely impact for other countries and regions, and analyses the likely implications for regional and trans-regional cooperation and competition. Western and Asian regional perspectives on the New Silk Road, including from India, Pakistan, Southeast Asia and Japan are considered throughout the book.

Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1. The Ambiguity over the Future of Macau -- 2. Negotiations for the Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration on Macau -- 3. The Transition Period and the Problems of "Localisation" -- 4. Other Delicate Transition Issues -- 5. A Final Assessment -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

After the transfer of the Portuguese administration to China, Macau kept its role as a bridge between East and West, inspired in the Portuguese settlement 500 years ago. The pragmatism of the Chinese central government, using the Lusophone specificities of this Special Administrative Region, supported the creation of the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and the Portuguese-speaking Countries, reviving the statute of the Portuguese language and culture in its own territory.

The new paradigm in which the People's Republic of China is perceived (from weak & politically fragile to strong) & its growing soft power, in part due to the high rates of economic development, led to the general acceptance of its influence in the South. Perceived as a more convenient partner than the Western countries, China legitimates its presence in Africa & Latin America presenting its own development model, in which economic progress is not linked with political democratization. Using the slogan of South-South cooperation & replacing the so-called Western norms by others with "Chinese characteristics," as the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, Beijing challenges European & US interests in those regions. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the dynamics of Japanese and Chinese post–Cold War security policies in East Asia and assesses the implications for regional stability. To this end, the discussion explores elements in both countries' security policy behavior, and Sino‐Japanese relations that have a stabilizing and/or destabilizing impact on the region. The article argues that, on the whole, Japanese and Chinese security policies have contributed to more stability than instability. Although the security dilemma between Japan (and the United States) and China may have become more pronounced, the balance of power currently maintained may be assessed in positive terms for the region. In addition, Sino‐Japanese competition for influence has led to strengthening East Asian institution building and thereby fostered stability. While there is ground for cautious optimism regarding the future of Sino‐Japanese cooperation, mutual strategic distrust between Tokyo and Beijing will underpin the security dilemma and their competitive policies in the region.

This article examines the dynamics of Japanese and Chinese post-Cold War security policies in East Asia and assesses the implications for regional stability. To this end, the discussion explores elements in both countries' security policy behavior, and Sino-Japanese relations that have a stabilizing and/or destabilizing impact on the region. The article argues that, on the whole, Japanese and Chinese security policies have contributed to more stability than instability. Although the security dilemma between Japan (and the United States) and China may have become more pronounced, the balance of power currently maintained may be assessed in positive terms for the region. In addition, Sino-Japanese competition for influence has led to strengthening East Asian institution building and thereby fostered stability. While there is ground for cautious optimism regarding the future of Sino-Japanese cooperation, mutual strategic distrust between Tokyo and Beijing will underpin the security dilemma and their competitive policies in the region. Adapted from the source document.

Russia and China are two big players in the international system, both of which share interests and concerns and compete for preponderance and affirmation at the regional level. As a framework for political-military cooperation, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) frames this relationship in an institutional setting that might be understood as a tool for rapprochement between Moscow and Beijing or as a strategic manoeuvre for balancing an unbalanced international order. Thus the following question arises: is Russian-Chinese cooperation discourse mere political rhetoric or does it imply the intentional forging of a goal-orientated partnership? The relationship between Russia and China in political and security terms reveals identifiable common concerns, such as counter-terrorism or the fight against organised crime, while simultaneously masking the underpinning drivers, based on realpolitik dynamics and image construction on both sides (power projection, regional affirmation). This means that the strategic partnership dialogue between Moscow and Beijing is still far from being real. Realpolitik considerations rise above institutional goals, showing the lines of (dis)continuity in discourse and practice in this bilateral relationship.