Suchergebnisse

Europe has been hit hard by the financial and economic crisis, and there is no fast solution in view. The problem facing the EU is a problem of governance both technically and politically. Most actors, with the possible exception of the ECB, are in disarray because they are caught between the necessity to act and the political reluctance to acknowledge fully the consequences of a multi-level governance system, notably democratic legitimacy and accountability. The discrepancy between political rhetoric and actual practices during the crisis appears as a new form of government by stealth. There is not yet an obvious way out of this morass. The first one seems the easiest as it would be nothing more than 'muddling through' as usual, whereas the second option, a two-speed Europe, though more politically attractive, is technically very difficult to implement institutionally. The third possible solution is paradoxically the one that surreptitiously persists at present: a 'federalism of executives' that is both unmanageable in the long run and unacceptable from a democratic point of view. Adapted from the source document.

France has often ignored not just the reality but the very concept of conflict of interests. In the name of the so-called virtues of 'synthesis', it has legitimized and justified the accumulation of positions of power both in private and public spheres. Such an approach is one of the many manifestations of the lack of interest of French society - and in particular its elites' - for pluralism. As a result, conflicts of interests, when taken into account, are less considered for prevention and awareness purposes than for the punishment of a few potentially criminal cases. Gradually, under media and public opinion pressure and because of the internationalization of the debates, the French approach, albeit reluctantly, has tended to move closer to the historically more advanced Anglo-Saxon practices. Adapted from the source document.

Three types of internal tensions have characterized the process of European integration. They are not new, but are exacerbated by factors such as globalization, enlargement, increased diversity of views and interests. The first one is the tension between law and politics. Legal instruments have been the main tool of integration, but politics come back with a vengeance as democratic practices are challenged by regulatory regimes and institutions. The second one is the alternative between the persistence of an international organization regime or the creation of a federation. This unresolved and lasting issue takes dramatic tones with the euro crisis. The third one relates to the growing gap between elites and peoples. Adapted from the source document.

A discipline cannot pretend to be such if political borders are reflected in its organisation, methodologies or practices. While pluralistic approaches are highly desirable, it is crucial for any discipline worthy of the name to professionalise itself. This article argues that in spite of imperfections, drawbacks and differentiated development, huge progress has been made towards this goal through the setting up of common standards, improved Ph.D. and post-doctoral training and international mobility. Cross-national organisations or pan-European programmes have played a major role in this (incomplete) transformation. Adapted from the source document.

Democracies are fragile constructions. The apparently overwhelming expansion of democratic regimes should not, however, hide their intrinsic weaknesses. The paper examines how five (hypo)theses proposed by the author 10 years ago are still valuable instruments of analysis in periods of troubled times. The discrepancy between aspirations, programmes and the harsh reality of today is examined in the background of the Europeanisation and globalisation processes. Adapted from the source document.

This article considers the transformation of higher education in Europe and the challenges it has to face in particular in the field of research. The article argues that national systems have developed from very different traditions but that they are now confronted with similar issues and problems. There is an ongoing process of Europeanisation from the bottom (networks, benchmarking) and from the top (Bologna process, European Commission). But the challenge of the future is the need to play at a 'global' level and to compete worldwide with the best university systems. Adapted from the source document.

The article starts from the irrefutable assumption that the 1958 Constitution has introduced significant and lasting institutional and political changes. Yet, certain practices and conventions have proved stronger than the law and have shown an undeniable resilience even after fifty years of the Fifth Republic. Mores have been stronger than the law. Among the many examples of this phenomenon, the article discusses five questions: the predominance of male elites, the persistence of the practice of holding multiple elected offices, the protest tradition, the weakness of Parliament and an ambivalent attitude toward the juridical norm. Adapted from the source document.