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An attempt to empirically investigate the D. Butler & D. Stokes hypothesis (POLITICAL CHANGE IN BRITAIN, Penguin, 1972) that the longer a person supports a political party the less likely he is to change his voting pattern, while the new & younger voter is more likely to fluctuate & join fresh political movements. The survey was conducted in Scotland in Mar & Jun 1969, & in Apr & Jun 1970. But as the Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP)--the origin of whose support was the main subject of the study--had largely lost its support by 1969, the results are more indicative of which parties its former supporters now joined than from which parties they had originally come. The data show a much greater tendency to change party affiliation among young, than among adult voters. Also, in the adolescent sample there is a much greater within-group variation, mainly between M's & F's & between manual & nonmanual workers. The results seem to confirm the original hypothesis that young people are likelier to be affected by "political contagions" than adults. However, since the SNP influence on all sections of the electorate declined markedly in the 1969 general elections, it appears that a realistic situation in which the way one votes determines the shape of the government, has a sobering effect on all classes of voters, including the young. 4 Tables. S. Karganovic.

Using group totals, young drivers, male drivers, and especially young male drivers are substantially over‐represented in terms of both traffic accidents and traffic‐related convictions. On the other hand, when accidents and convictions are considered in terms of their rates while the person is actually driving, older drivers and female drivers gain in importance, with the female drivers' traffic accident rate and rates for some convictions exceeding the male drivers' rates. Similarly, the older drivers' accident rate and rates on some convictions exceeded the younger drivers' rates when considered in terms of driving exposure. In addition, these findings lead one to speculate that recent driving exposure more than driver age is the central factor in traffic accident involvement. The implications for policy makers and educators are clear. Although young male drivers are undeniably a legitimate focus for traffic accident countermeasures, they should not be targeted at the expense of drivers who drive less but have as high or higher accident rates—female and older drivers.

The number of disability related support services controlled and run by disabled people themselves has increased significantly in the UK and internationally over the past forty years. As a result, greater user involvement in service provision and delivery is a key priority for many western Governments. This book provides the first comprehensive review and analysis of these developments in the UK. Drawing on evidence from a range of sources, including material from the first national study of user-controlled services, this book provides a critical evaluation of the development and organisation of user-controlled services in the UK and identifies the principal forces - economic, political and cultural - that influence and inhibit their further development. It summarises and discusses the policy implications for the future development of services and includes an up-to-date and comprehensive literature and research review. Independent futures is essential reading for academics and students on a range of courses including: health and social care; social work; allied health professions, such as nursing, occupational therapy and speech therapy; social policy; sociology; and psychology. It will also be of interest to practitioners and policy makers who need a reliable overview of current policy and critical analysis of key issues affecting future policy and practice.

In an attempt to explore the importance of various religious ethnic and political social identities in Northern Ireland, 991 young people (60% Protestants, 40% Catholics) were asked to choose among various bipolar adjectives and then to rank order the terms chosen. The results indicated that the Catholic-Protestant dimension was the most frequently chosen and most highly rated ethnopolitical category but that some cross-cutting occurred on all categories. Further, it was suggested that while the term Catholic may carry surplus meaning from the religious domain, the label Protestant may be rather more clearly thought of as a purely ethnopolitical term.