Suchergebnisse

In the public deliberation of a democracy, what's place have emotions? Especially the emotions of compassion and rage? Is the general question that guides this research. To respond to it, we will focus on the thought of two thinkers who, although they belong to different cultural and academic spaces, have some points of contact in their philosophical perspectives: Martha Nussbaum and Humberto Giannini. Taking charge of the affective turn (Ahmed, 2014) we are looking for investigate the impact on an incomplete democracy they have the passions of compassions and rage have. Especially in the path of democratic transformation, towards more participatory and inclusive ways. Thus, at first, we will dedicate ourselves to describing forms of compassion and forms of rage that benefit democratic deliberation and those that hinder it. ; En la deliberación pública de una democracia, ¿qué lugar tienen las emociones, especialmente las emociones de la compasión y la ira?; es la pregunta general que guía esta investigación. Para dar respuesta a ella nos centraremos en el pensamiento de dos pensadores que aunque pertenecen a espacios culturales y académicos diferentes guardan algunos puntos de contacto en sus perspectivas filosóficas: Marta Nussbaum y Humberto Giannini. Haciéndonos cargo del affective turn (Ahmed 2014) nos interesa indagar que impacto tienen las pasiones de la compasión y de la ira sobre una democracia incompleta, o débil. Esto es especialmente relevante en momentos de transformación y perfeccionamiento democrático, cuando una comunidad camina hacia una democracia más participativa e inclusiva. Así, en un primer momento, siguiendo las pistas que nos entregan estos dos filósofos, nos dedicaremos a describir formas de compasión y formas de ira que benefician la deliberación democrática y aquellas que la obstaculizan.

Hannah Arendt, like few contemporary political thinkers, rescues modern revolutions as experiences of concerted power, freedom, and the establishment of the new. Modern revolutions mark the path of a resignification of the political, thereby reinstalling — from a post-foundational perspective — a continuity full of conflicts between revolution and constitution, the experience of power and institutions, political life and norms, and participative active citizenship and representative State. In this article, I present some milestones in the diagnosis of the political crisis which for Arendt is a long-term process determined by the theoretical and anti-political character of our culture. I propose that in the idea of the revolution of freedom we will find some answers to this crisis. Bearing in mind that the objective of any revolution of freedom is to institutionalize power, I also propose that both concerted power and freedom that underlie Arendt's concept of revolution crystallize in the mundane act of 'mutual promises' which gives rise to a new constitution — a new constitution that is built on previous experience, the concrete practices of the political community, and citizen councils as a space for the institutionalization and multiplication of power. ; Como pocos pensadores políticos contemporáneos, Hannah Arendt rescata las modernas revoluciones como experiencias de poder concertado, de libertad e instauración de lo nuevo. Las modernas revoluciones marcan el camino de una resignificación de lo político, reinstalando desde una perspectiva posfundacional la continuidad llena de conflictos, por cierto, entre revolución y constitución, experiencia de poder e institucionalidad, vida política y norma, ciudadanía activa, participativa y Estado representativo. En el presente artículo me propongo presentar algunos hitos del diagnóstico de la crisis de la política, que para Arendt es de largo aliento y está determinada por el carácter teorético y antipolítico de nuestra cultura. Propongo que en la idea de la revolución de la libertad, encontraremos algunas respuestas ante esta crisis. Teniendo a la vista que el objetivo de toda revolución de la libertad es el de institucionalizar el poder, propongo también que el poder concertado y la libertad que subyacen al concepto de revolución de Arendt, cristalizan en el acto mundano de las 'promesas mutuas' que dan origen a una nueva constitución. Esta última se construye sobre la base de la experiencia previa, las prácticas concretas de la comunidad política y los consejos ciudadanos como espacios de institucionalización y multiplicación del poder.

Los regímenes del terror, aquellos que buscan instalar una dominación total, no solo encarcelan y matan de manera sistemática a grupos completos de la población, sino que buscan destruir la noción misma de muerte tal como la conocemos. El «desaparecido», presente en distintos regímenes de terror que han tenido lugar a lo largo del siglo xx, es la expresión concreta de este intento. Esta es la tesis que se explora en este artículo, siguiendo algunas veces de cerca, otras veces más bien de lejos, la perspectiva de Hannah Arendt. Se trata de asomarnos al problema moral y político que encarna la figura del «desaparecido», centrándonos en la experiencia de desaparición que tuvo lugar en las dictaduras del Cono Sur y especialmente de Chile, bajo la dictadura militar de A. Pinochet.

This paper present Hannah Arendt's peculiar criticism of the modern idea of History, following the itinerary that goes from the original sense of «politics» to its replacement with the idea of «art of governing », as well as the apparition of the modern idea of History as a unitary and universal process. Finally, we will outline some elements of that other idea of history that is formulated from the notion of «historical crystallization», barely sketched by the author. The route we suggest presumes that Arendt, while intending to fight the oblivion and substitutions suffered by the political sphere, denouncing its poietic foundation, wants to formulate not only a new idea of politics but also a new idea of history. ; En el artículo que sigue, presentaremos la peculiar crítica a la idea de historia moderna que realiza Hannah Arendt, siguiendo el itinerario que va desde el sentido original de «política» hasta su sustitución por la idea de «arte de gobernar» y la aparición de la moderna idea de Historia como proceso unitario y universal. Esbozaremos, finalmente, algunos elementos de esa otra idea de historia que queda delineada a partir de la noción de «cristalización histórica», que la autora apenas esboza. El recorrido que proponemos supone que Arendt, al mismo tiempo que pretende combatir los olvidos y sustituciones que ha sufrido lo político denunciando su fundamento poiético, busca formular no sólo una nueva idea de política, sino también, una nueva idea de historia.

This paper explores the discourse coalitions that became evident during the conflict around the HydroAysen hydroelectric megaproject in the Patagonia region of Chile. We explore three nodal concepts around which the coalitions were constructed and the argumentative and rhetoric strategies used. The analysis, inspired by a socio constructivist approach and based on Hajer's argumentative method (2005), studies 40 discourse allocutions from relevant leaders and social actors publically available through national press releases and web pages between 2011 and 2012. Findings reveal the presence of two discourse coalitions holding competing views. The first coalition includes the President of the Republic of Chile and the Ministry of Energy, together with the proposing hydroelectric company. This coalition displays a neoliberal socioeconomic-oriented argumentation based on the proposition that the Chilean energy crisis can be resolved through hydroelectricity, a natural resource abundant in the Patagonia, which would bring more development and connectivity to the Aysen region. The second coalition, made up of social and environmental groups 'Patagonia Without Dams' and 'Aysenines against HidroAysen' exhibits a more socio-environmental oriented argumentation. Their narrative revolves around the absence of a national energy policy which makes the country economically vulnerable to the establishment of mega projects such as the HydroAysen project that may benefit only a few enterprises but ruin unique environments such as that in Patagonia. We conclude that these antagonistic coalitions run along assymetric processes of discursive institutionalization. Furthermore, the HydroAysen case analysis contributes to explain the way discourse coalitions contribute to the failure of Chilean democracy to build social consensus on contentious issues.

In this article, the promise is analysed as peculiar communicative action that creates a link between the person who makes a promise and the person who receives the promise. The one who makes a promise in a free and unilateral way becomes committed in his present and his future. At the moment the promise is announced, it becomes a commitment and a debt that the other can legitimately retrieve. Another form is the mutual promise, that links together those that make the promise in their actions and future condition, making this promise a common condition. From this perspective, the conformation of the body politic itself has be revised, that which arises from the original contract (pactum unionis) that at least from the beginnings of modernity is the basis of a we, an artificial community created from the act of a mutual promise. We is a product of an inheritance that commits our present and our future. This we is a task that not yet, at least not completely, we have to become.