AbstractThe current study investigated the ethnic hierarchy in ingroup and outgroup preference and rejection among 6‐ to 10‐year‐old children of the dominant White Dutch group (n = 145), and the underrepresented Turkish‐Dutch (n = 78), and Afro‐Dutch (n = 57) groups (55% girls, M = 7.49, SD = .98) in the Netherlands. Results from a social preference task indicated that White Dutch children showed clearly more preference for their own ethnic group (ingroup preference) compared to the two outgroup preferences (Middle Eastern and Black), while Turkish‐ and Afro‐Dutch children showed limited ingroup preference. Both White and Turkish‐Dutch children showed less preference for and more rejection of the Black outgroup compared to Afro‐Dutch children. Younger children showed more Black rejection compared to older children. This study provides much‐needed evidence for the generalizability of prejudice patterns in children beyond the United States, and suggests that interventions aimed at improving interethnic relations are already relevant at primary school age.
AbstractParental diversity ideologies are linked to their own interethnic prejudice, but how do they relate to children's prejudice? This study examined self‐reported endorsement of colorblind ideology and multiculturalism among mothers (138 White Dutch, 65 Turkish‐Dutch, and 45 Afro‐Dutch) of 6‐to 10‐year old children (55% girls), and its association with child interethnic prejudice. Endorsement of multiculturalism was lowest among White Dutch mothers, and endorsement of colorblind ideology was lowest among Afro‐Dutch mothers. Maternal endorsement of multiculturalism was negatively related to child outgroup prejudice among White Dutch families and among Turkish‐Dutch families in the context of underrepresented outgroups, and results suggest no or opposite associations for colorblind ideology. Future research should explore what parenting based on these ideologies looks like, but the present study points parents in the direction of a multicultural, rather than colorblind, approach.
AbstractChildren may notice racial differences (i.e., show racial and/or skin‐tone salience), but deliberately avoid mentioning such differences (i.e., color evasion) with increasing age. This contradiction may be due to prevailing egalitarian social norms about race. Color evasion is understudied among children in China. In a sample of 155 Chinese children (71 girls and 84 boys) aged 7–11 years from urban regions of China, we collected measures of children's racial and/or skin‐tone salience and color evasion as well as their attitudes toward light‐skinned East Asian, tan‐skinned East Asian, and White groups. Analyses revealed that racial differences were salient to Chinese children, and that they showed little color evasion. Skin tone was most salient in children's categorization performance. We found a preference hierarchy where light‐skinned East Asian people were favored most, and White people least. Color evasion was negatively related to Chinese children's positive attitudes toward White people. The findings emphasize the importance of social contexts in shaping children's racial attitudes.
AbstractImpairments in both executive function and parent–child interactions are associated with child externalizing behavior, but few studies have tested the uniqueness of these associations in the first years of life. Addressing these gaps, the current study involved an international sample (N = 438; 218 boys) who, at 14 and 24 months, completed an innovative battery of executive function tasks and were filmed at home in dyadic interaction with their mothers, enabling detailed observational ratings of maternal support. In addition, parents rated infant temperament at 4 months and externalizing behavior at 14 and 24 months. Cross‐lagged longitudinal analysis showed a unidirectional developmental association between executive function at 14 months and externalizing behavior at 24 months. In addition, infant negative affect moderated the inverse association between maternal support at 14 months and externalizing behavior at 24 months. The benefits of maternal support were only evident for children with low levels of negative affect in infancy. We discuss this finding in relation to theoretical models that highlight child effects (e.g. models of vantage sensitivity).
In: Child abuse & neglect: the international journal ; official journal of the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect, Band 81, S. 249-258
In: Child abuse & neglect: the international journal ; official journal of the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect, Band 64, S. 109-116
In an experimental within-subjects research design, we studied the theoretical assumption that stress predicts negative parental attributions, which until now was mainly studied using cross-sectional study designs. During home visits to 105 families, mothers and fathers were subjected to two experimental conditions and two control conditions. In the experimental conditions, parents completed the Parental Attributions of Child behavior Task (PACT, a computerized attribution task) under two different stressful conditions (i.e., cognitive load and white noise); in the control conditions, the PACT was completed without additional stressors. Furthermore, parents completed questionnaires about existing risk factors (i.e., partner-related stress, parenting stress, and abuse risk). There were no main effects of induced stress on attributions for fathers and mothers, but we found that a combination of induced situational stress (cognitive load) and high risk resulted in the most negative parental attributions in mothers. The discussion focuses on intensity and origin of stressors, comparison between mother and father attributions, implications for interventions, and possible future research directions.
Physiological reactivity to repeated infant crying was examined as a predictor of risk for harsh discipline use with 12-month-olds in a longitudinal study with 48 low-income mother–infant dyads. Physiological reactivity was measured while mothers listened to three blocks of infant cry sounds in a standard cry paradigm when their infants were 3 months old. Signs of harsh discipline use were observed during two tasks during a home visit when the infants were 12 months old. Mothers showing signs of harsh discipline ( n = 10) with their 12-month-olds were compared to mothers who did not ( n = 38) on their sympathetic (skin conductance levels [SCL]) and parasympathetic (respiratory sinus arrhythmia) reactivity to the cry sounds. Results showed a significant interaction effect for sympathetic reactivity only. Mean SCL of harsh-risk mothers showed a significant different response pattern from baseline to crying and onward into the recovery, suggesting that mean SCL of mothers who showed signs of harsh discipline continued to rise across the repeated bouts of cry sounds while, after an initial increase, mean SCL level of the other mothers showed a steady decline. We suggest that harsh parenting is reflected in physiological overreactivity to negative infant signals and discuss our findings from a polyvagal perspective.
In: Child abuse & neglect: the international journal ; official journal of the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect, Band 112, S. 104900
AbstractThree models regarding the relation between maternal (in)sensitivity, negative discipline, and child aggression were examined in a sample of 117 mother–child pairs with high scores on child externalizing behavior: (1) Sensitivity and discipline are uniquely related to child aggression (the additive model); (2) the relation between discipline and aggression is moderated by maternal sensitivity (the moderating model); (3) the relation between sensitivity and aggression is mediated by maternal discipline (the mediating model). Parenting and child aggression were observed when the children were on average 26.71 months old (range of 13.58 to 41.91 months) and again one year later. Results supported the moderating model. More negative discipline was related to more child aggression one year later, but only when mothers were insensitive. This finding supports the idea that the affective context is important for the impact of negative discipline on child development.
AbstractFrom a traditional viewpoint, fathers are seen as the main disciplinarian in the family. However, recent studies suggest that these traditional family role patterns may have changed. In this study, we observed discipline strategies of mothers and fathers toward their sons and daughters. Participants included 242 families with two children (1 and 3 years of age). Findings revealed that parental discipline varied by the age of the children, but that mothers disciplined their children more often than fathers. Fathers, conversely, showed more laxness in response to child non‐compliance. Gender of the children was only related to physical interference, with mothers using more physical interference with boys than fathers, irrespective of birth order. Taken together, these findings highlight the importance of parent gender for parent–child interactions in early childhood, but also suggest that child age should be taken into account as important explanatory factors.
Hauptziel des Forschungsprojekts SIMCUR ist, die Prozesse, die der Entwicklungsstabilität bei Kindern aus Migrantenfamilien zugrunde liegen, während der Übergänge in die Primarstufe und Sekundarstufe in drei europäischen Ländern aufzudecken. Diese Prozesse wurden auf Ebene des Individuums, der Familie, der Schule und der Gesellschaft untersucht. Durch den Vergleich von Kindern in Deutschland, den Niederlanden und Norwegen, verdeutlicht die Studie auch die Auswirkungen breiterer gesellschaftlicher Einflüsse. In einem Längsschnitt-Kohorten-Design basierend auf den beiden Schulübergängen, wurden 880 Migrantenfamilien mit Ursprung in der Türkei untersucht, was Ländervergleiche ermöglicht. Die Bewältigung wichtiger Bildungsübergänge ist ein wichtiger Indikator für die soziale Integration und hängt mit der individuellen psychosozialen Anpassung zusammen. Für den Grundschulübergang wurden in den drei teilnehmenden Ländern 364 Kinder aus türkischen Migrantenfamilien (Kohorte 1) im Alter von 5, 6 und 7 beurteilt. Für den Sekundarschulübergang wurden 256 Kinder in einer zweiten Kohorte im Alter von 12, 13 und 14 untersucht. Weil dieser Übergang in Deutschland früher stattfindet, hatte dieses Land eine zusätzliche Kohorte von 147 Kindern im Alter von 9, 10, und 11 Jahren. Bei jeder Beurteilung werden Variablen aus allen Funktionsebenen gemessen, unter Verwendung mehrerer Methoden (Verhaltensbeobachtung, Interviews, Messungen und Tests) und gewonnen aus mehreren Quellen (Kinder, Eltern und Lehrer).
Eltern 1. Fragebogen Mutter:
Kategorie 1: Hintergrund Familiensituation: Beziehung zum Kind / Vater; Betreuungsperson; Anzahl der Kinder; Familienstand; Gesundheit; Bildung, Arbeit und wirtschaftliche Situation: Schuljahre; ISCED; Erwerbstätigkeit; Arbeitszeit; Gesamteinkommen; Nachbarschaft: Alltagsbewältigung; Wohndauer, NICHD (National Institute of Child Health and Human Development); Kollektive Wirksamkeitsskala; Aktivitäten zu Hause: Alphabetisierung und Medien zu Hause; Sprachgebrauch beim Sprechen und Fernsehen; Sprache: Sprachkenntnisse Türkisch und Mehrheitssprache; Bedeutung des Sprachgebrauchs des Kindes; Sprachgebrauch in Türkisch und Mehrheitssprache; Kultur: MEIM-R (Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure - überarbeitet); Fragen der ICSEY-Studie (International Comparative Study on Ethnocultural Youth); Akkulturationsstress; Diskriminierung; Religion: Religionszugehörigkeit; Rolle der Religion in der Erziehung.
Kategorie 2: Kind Verhalten: CBQ (Child Behavior Questionnaire), EATQ-R (Early Adolescent Temperament Questionnaire - revised); Kindererziehung: Disziplin; EMBU (Egna Minnen Beträffande Uppfostran (´My memories of upbringing´); Bestrebungen und Erwartungen: Bildungsaspiration für das Kind; Schule: Besuch einer Vorschule; Eltern-Lehrer Beteiligung; Eltern-Lehrer Verantwortung; Vertrauen in die Schule / Lehrer; bereit für die Schule; Übergang; Stärken und Schwierigkeiten: SDQ (Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire); Freunde: Anzahl der Freunde; Häufigkeit des Spiels; Sprache: Sprachgebrauch des Kindes.
Kategorie 3: Selbst Dein Leben: SWLS (Skala Lebenszufriedenheit); Aufgabenaufteilung; soziales Netzwerk: Oslo 3-item soziale Unterstützung Skala; Beziehung zu Nachbarn; Alltagsleben: tägliche Mühe; Beziehung: VGP (Vragenlijist voor Gezins Problemen); Gefühle: CES-D 10 (Center for Epidemiologic Studies Short Depression Scale); Familie: FAD (Family Assessment Device); Werte: wahrgenommene Leistungswerte; familiäre kollektivistische Werte.
Interview Mutter: Familiengeschichte: Familienstammbaum; Grund für Migration; Rechtsstatus; Nachbarschaft: NICHD (National Institute of Child Health and Human Development); Alltagsbewältigung (Subskala: Kommunale Dienstleistungen); Auto / Führerschein; Wohnsituation: Wohnraum; Tagesablauf: Tagesabläufe; Freizeit; Aktivitäten zu Hause: Mediennutzung zu Hause.
2. Fragebogen Vater:
Kategorie 1: Hintergrund Sprache: Sprachkenntnisse Türkisch und Mehrheitssprache; Bedeutung des Kindes; Sprachgebrauch Türkisch und Mehrheitssprache; Kultur: MEIM-R (Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure - revised); Fragen der ICSEY-Studie (International Comparative Study on Ehtnocultural Youth); Akkulturationsstress; Diskriminierung; Religion: Religionszugehörigkeit; Rolle der Religion in der Erziehung.
Kategorie 2: Kind Kindererziehung: EMBU (Egna Minnen Beträffande Uppfostran (´Meine Erinnerungen an die Erziehung´); Schule: Eltern-Lehrer-Verantwortung, SDQ (Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire).
Kategorie 3: Selbst Kindererziehung: Aufgabenaufteilung; Beziehung: VGP (Vragenlijist voor Gezins Problemen, Subskala: Partnerbeziehung / eheliche Unterstützung); Werte: wahrgenommene Leistungswerte.
Fragebogen Kind
Kategorie 1: Hintergrund Kultur: MEIM-R (Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure - revised); Fragen der ICSEY-Studie (International Comparative Study on Ethnocultural Youth); Diskriminierung: wahrgenommene ethnische Diskriminierung; Sprache: Sprachkenntnisse Türkisch und Mehrheitssprache; Sprachgebrauch Türkisch und Mehrheitssprache; Religion: Glaubenspraxis des Kindes; Rolle der Spiritualität bei der Bewältigung des Alltags; allgemeine Selbstwahrnehmung von Religion oder Spiritualität; Aktivitäten zu Hause: Alphabetisierung und Medien zu Hause.
Kategorie 2: Eltern Kindererziehung: EMBU (Egna Minnen Beträffande Uppfostran (´Meine Erinnerungen an die Erziehung´) - kurze Form); elterliche Einbindung: Aktivitäten mit Mutter und Vater.
Kategorie 3: Selbst Soziales Netzwerk: detaillierte Angaben zum sozialen Netzwerk; Zusammensetzung des sozialen Netzwerks; funktionale und emotionale Unterstützung; Überwachung: Angaben des Kindes; Verhalten: EATQ-R (Early Adolescent Temperament Questionnaire - überarbeitet, Subskalen: Aktivierungskontrolle, hemmende Kontrolle, Aufmerksamkeit); SDQ (Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire); Selbstwirksamkeit; Einsatz sozialer Ressourcen; Alltag: tägliche Probleme.
Kategorie 4: Schule Motivation: Motivation zum Start in die (neue) Schule; Erwartungen an den Schulbeginn; Gedanken über die Schule; Bestrebungen und Erwartungen: Schulwünsche und Erwartungen; Job-Aspirationen und Erwartungen; Werte: wahrgenommene elterliche Leistungswerte; wahrgenommene Kontingenz: wahrgenommene Kontingenz-Skala für Kinder; Regeln: Brechen der Schulregeln (Items von ICSEY International Comparative Study on Ethnocultural Youth); Unterstützung: Klassenunterstützung; CASSS (Child and adolescent support scale).
Tests: Kategorie 5: Tests Mütterliche Sensibilität in der Aufgabensituation (EAS-mother-child interaction (video taped); Verhaltenshemmung (Hearts and flowers (Dots Task); Working Memory (Digit Span -Test vorwärts, rückwärts); Kontrollhemmung (Delay Frustration Task); Sprache/Vokabeln: PPVT-4 The Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (4th Ed.)(Turkish receptive vocabulary test), EOWPVT (Expressive one word picture vocabulary test - Majority language expressive vocabulary test); IQ: SON-R: Snijders-Oomen niet-verbale intelligentietest - revised, Subtest: Analogien).
Demographie: Kind: Alter (Geburtsdatum: Monat, Jahr); Alter in Monaten; Geschlecht; Nationalität; Eltern: Alter (Geburtsdatum: Monat, Jahr) von Mutter und Vater; Alter von Mutter und Vater zum Testzeitpunkt; Nationalität; Beziehung des Befragten zum Kind; Kinderzahl insgesamt; Geburtsdatum, Alter sämtlicher Kinder; Platz des Kindes in der Geschwisterfolge; Anzahl der Kinder im Haushalt; weitere Erwachsene im Haushalt; Geburt eines weiteren Kindes seit dem letzten Besuch und Geburtstag des Neugeborenen; Veränderungen seit dem letzten Besuch; spezifische Veränderungen.
Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: ID des Kindes; Teilnahme des Kindes an den einzelnen Wellen; Datum des Besuchs zu Hause (W1); Erhebungsjahr; Kohorte; Land der Datenerhebung; Herkunftsland Türkei; zu Hause gesprochene Hauptsprache neben Türkisch; Geschwisterkind in der Studie; ID der Mutter bei Geschwisterfamilien; Fragebogensprache; Datum der Fertigstellung des Fragebogens; Lehrer ID; ID der Schule.
In: Child abuse & neglect: the international journal ; official journal of the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect, Band 99, S. 104257