Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Chapter 1: The Tulsa Massacre and Its Context -- Introduction -- Precipitating Events -- During the Massacre -- After the Massacre -- Divergent Death Counts -- A Sociohistorical Context -- Migration Patterns and Labor Unrest -- Vigilantism and Perceptions of Crime -- Fears of Black Radicalization -- Official Biases of Action and Inaction -- An Overview of Remaining Chapters -- References -- Chapter 2: Greenwood: The Rise and Devastation of "Black Wall Street" -- The Growth and Allure of Greenwood -- Demands for Racial Justice -- An Account of Financial Losses -- The Disruption of Wealth Accumulation and its Impacts -- References -- Chapter 3: Causes of the Tulsa Race Massacre -- Introduction -- Structural Factors of Collective Violence -- Deprivation -- Competition -- Population Characteristics -- Structural Failures -- Microcosmic Events, the Triggering of Violence, and Riot Behavior -- A Mob Mentality? -- Variation in Behavior -- Cultural and Historical Contexts -- An Integrative Analysis of the Tulsa Massacre -- Underpinnings: Characteristics, Changes, and Structural Failures -- Tulsa's Climate and Context -- Racial Frames and Responses to Rowland's Arrest -- Racial Frames During the Massacre -- References -- Chapter 4: Responding to a "Negro Uprising" -- Introduction -- Establishing Order and Fear of Reprisals -- Official and Media Frames of the "Uprising" -- Government Official Framing -- Tulsa Media Framing -- Religious Leader Framing -- Grand Jury Framing -- Relief and Reconstruction -- The Influence of Racialized Worldviews on Responses -- Divergent Interpretations -- Rationalizing an Armed Response -- Alternative Sources of Blame -- Challenging the City's Industrial Zone Plans -- Frames That "Win" -- References -- Chapter 5: From Uprising to Massacre: The Fight for Reparations -- Introduction.

This research extends the theoretical concept of framing to the phenomenon of race riots using the Tulsa riot of 1921 as a case study. Media accounts of this riot published during 1921 illustrate both prognostic and diagnostic framing strategies and techniques and demonstrate how these processes affected official responses. Results of this research suggest that framing is a critical process associated with media and organizational representation of riots. Analyses indicate that the riot was officially attributed to an armed group of Black citizens whose goal was to protect one of its community members from a potential lynching. However, Black residents framed the riot differently in statements of their account of the events. A recurrent theme for both races and a number of media reports was that of inept and incompetent law enforcement officials. The authors suggest that prognostic solutions to riots (e.g., police strategies and tactics and reconciliatory attempts) are rooted in diagnostic assessments.

AbstractExtant research indicates that white racial framing is utilized to rationalize discrimination, but less work has examined how the white racial frame becomes filtered into institutional settings such as corporations and instilled within its programs and practices. This paper analyzes white racial framing in the Colorado Fuel & Iron Company during the early twentieth century as part of its effort to Americanize and control its racially diverse workforce. The company developed a special unit headed by a physician and proponent of eugenics to promote "social betterment." Our findings show how dominant racial ideologies were embedded within the company's conceptualization of social betterment and how these ideas influenced corporate programs aimed at mollifying the workforce and increasing productivity. We discuss the implications of our research for future analyses of historically embedded racial framing.

This paper examines a contentious environmental dispute surrounding a decommissioned zinc smelter facility in Blackwell, Oklahoma. The environmental conflict stems from potential health effects associated with lead, cadmium, and arsenic contamination. The company that owns the former zinc smelter facility argues that they are in compliance with all environmental health and safety standards and city residents praise their ongoing remediation efforts. Based on in-depth interviews, observation, and thematic content analysis, we examine the company's establishment of an official frame to characterize their role in the environmental case. This frame is based on corporate citizenship, the diffusion of responsibility, and the multiplicity of contamination sources. We examine the salience of this frame within the broader community and address challenges to the official frame by local community activists. The results of the study indicate that local community residents are at a tremendous disadvantage when challenging large corporate polluters.

AbstractThe Tulsa race riot of 1921 was one of the most destructive riots in American history. Prior to the riot, the Greenwood community was among the wealthiest African‐American neighborhoods in the state. Residents of Greenwood had successfully developed their own business infrastructure, and by the early 1920s the neighborhood was rapidly expanding and flourishing economically. The attack by white citizens on a flourishing black neighborhood not only resulted in mass casualties, but it destroyed nearly all of the African‐American‐owned businesses and churches, as well as many residential properties. The economic prosperity of Greenwood was literally obliterated overnight. The Greenwood community was perceived as a threat to white hegemony. The riot and its aftermath served to effectively impede African‐American prosperity. The city of Tulsa provided very little monetary assistance following the event. Greenwood residents attempted to rebuild following the destruction, but the community never regained the same economic standing. We argue that the Tulsa riot of 1921 was one of many examples of racial violence during the early part of the 20th century that had long‐lasting economic and social legacies for African Americans.

Movements that seek reparations against racial injustices must confront historic narratives of events and patterns of repression. These injustices are often legitimated through official narratives that discredit and vilify racial groups. This paper analyzes elite official frames in the case of the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, in which an economically thriving African American neighborhood was destroyed. Our research examines the official frames that were promulgated by white elites in defending the violent repression and analyzes the ongoing efforts by reparations proponents to seek redress. We delineate the discursive mechanisms used by proponents to challenge the dominant white narrative of the riot and to campaign for reparations. We conclude by discussing the implications of our research for future research on racial injustices and reparations movements.

AbstractResearch has explored the ways in which communities respond to local polluting facilities. In some cases, residents mobilize to confront corporate and state polluters, whereas in other cases residents remain quiescent in the wake of documented environmental threats. The variation in community response is often linked to demographic variables, including age, gender, education, and length of residence; yet cultural factors remain largely unexamined. We examine how cultural factors such as community identity and memory mitigate the relationship between community residents and polluting facilities. We present a comparative study of two heavily polluted communities—Blackwell, Oklahoma, and Cañon City, Colorado—that had divergent responses to contamination. The data for these cases come from in‐depth interviews with community residents and various officials (N = 105), content analyses of newspaper coverage and relevant organization documents, and direct observation of meetings and organizing activities. Our findings indicate that cultural factors play a critical role in understanding the relationship between local residents and polluting facilities. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for future research on rural communities and environmental contamination.

The number of communities dealing with industrial pollution in the United States has increased dramatically over the past three decades. Environmental campaigns have consequentially emerged and so has research on successful mobilizing efforts. A gap remains, however, on cases where mobilization fails to materialize. In this article, we develop a typology of power's multidimensional nature in an effort to address mechanisms by which elites prompt quiescence in the face of grievous injustice. We then analyze a case in point, Blackwell, Oklahoma—a community contaminated with lead, zinc, and cadmium from a decommissioned zinc smelter facility—and the proactive and coercive methods used to maintain local quiescence. Despite assurances that the community had been successfully remediated in the mid-1990s, residents learned in 2006 that environmental pollution continued to emanate from the facility. Our data come from in-depth interviews with community residents and city officials, participant observation, and document analysis. Findings highlight forms of control employed to keep citizens quiescent and to thwart the efforts of more vocal residents in the community.

While research has established how elite actors can work to protect structures that contribute to environmental harm, relatively less is known about the cultural resources that can serve elite interests at the local level. In cases of localized pollution, multiple groups have vested interests in protecting corporate legitimacy. We draw on treadmill of production theory and collective identity to analyze a case of community petrochemical contamination. Specifically, we asked: (1) how elite actors appropriated cultural resources to protect productivity following a legitimization crisis; and (2) how discursive retaliation matters in understanding the pathways to violence when protest threatens an industrial community's economic identity. Our data for this research included in‐depth interviews, newspaper coverage, and archival data. Findings indicate that the corporation, the city, and corporate employees responded to local environmental activism with a discursive campaign that ultimately paved the way for widespread threats and retaliation against the residents. This research highlights the ways in which local proponents of the energy industry can take advantage of cultural resources to suppress challengers to the industry.