Negotiation and construction of national identities
In: International negotiation series 3
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In: International negotiation series 3
In: The international spectator: journal of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 113-118
ISSN: 1751-9721
In: The international spectator: a quarterly journal of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Italy, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 113-118
ISSN: 0393-2729
World Affairs Online
In: The international spectator: journal of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Band 48, Heft 1, S. 58-71
ISSN: 1751-9721
In: The international spectator: a quarterly journal of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Italy, Band 48, Heft 1, S. 58-71
ISSN: 0393-2729
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of North African studies, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 306-308
ISSN: 1743-9345
In: Middle East Studies Association bulletin, Band 41, Heft 2, S. 179-180
In: The journal of North African studies, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 1-24
ISSN: 1743-9345
In: The journal of North African studies, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 1-24
ISSN: 1362-9387
Nach Ansicht des Autors standen weniger wirtschaftliche und geopolitische als sicherheitspolitische Motive hinter der Gründung der Arabischen Maghreb-Union. Besonders die Regierungen Algeriens, Tunesiens und Marokkos sahen und sehen sich von islamistischer Seite bedroht. Der Autor geht auf die islamistische Opposition in diesen drei Ländern ein und stellt deren bilaterale politische Beziehungen zueinander (1983-1992) unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der seines Erachtens engen sicherheitspolitischen Zusammenarbeit zwischen 1989 und 1992 dar. (DÜI-Cls)
World Affairs Online
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 305-307
ISSN: 1471-6380
The Covid-19 pandemic could not have come at a worse time, as many countries in the MENA region remain engulfed in vicious internal conflicts or must cope with structural socio-economic distress and popular dissent. In many respects, such a context and many of its problems resemble those that formed the backdrop for the Arab Spring in 2011. Exactly like what happens with humans, who are hit the hardest when presenting pre-existing conditions, MENA states have been impacted because of their own pre-existing conditions. In this sense, the Covid-19 pandemic has laid bare all the vulnerabilities and deficiencies of these states' structures, and has aggravated pre-existing political, social, and economic shortcomings. How has the pandemic impacted state structures? What is its effect on organized protests and spontaneous popular movements? What are the possible long-term consequences?
In: Pubblicazioni ISPI
The volume deals with competition among regional and external players for the redistribution of power and international status in the Middle East and North Africa, with a focus on Russia's renewed role and the implications for US interests. Over the last few years, a crisis of legitimacy has beset the liberal international order.
In this context, the configuration of regional orders has come into question, as in the extreme case of the current collapse in the Middle East. The idea of a "Russian resurgence" in the Middle East set against a perceived American withdrawal has captured the attention of policymakers and scholars alike, warranting further examination. This volume, a joint publication by ISPI and the Atlantic Council, gathers analysis on Washington's and Moscow's policy choices in the MENA region and develops case studies of the two powers' engagament in the countries beset by major crises.
The Covid-19 pandemic could not have come at a worse time, as many countries in the MENA region remain engulfed in vicious internal conflicts or must cope with structural socio-economic distress and popular dissent. In many respects, such a context and many of its problems resemble those that formed the backdrop for the Arab Spring in 2011. Exactly like what happens with humans, who are hit the hardest when presenting pre-existing conditions, MENA states have been impacted because of their own pre-existing conditions. In this sense, the Covid-19 pandemic has laid bare all the vulnerabilities and deficiencies of these states' structures, and has aggravated pre-existing political, social, and economic shortcomings. How has the pandemic impacted state structures? What is its effect on organized protests and spontaneous popular movements? What are the possible long-term consequences?
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