Suchergebnisse

N. Sukumar, Caste Discrimination and Exclusion in Indian Universities: A Critical Reflection, Routledge, 2022, 193 pp., ₹13,939, ISBN 978-0367556891 (Hardcover).

The post-liberalisation era in India has witnessed mobilisations among socially superior castes for reservation/affirmative action. I examine why Marathas have intensified their mobilisation in the past few years by using qualitative and quantitative data gathered over a period of 14 months in 2008–2009 and several visits during 2010–2019 in Mumbai and Maharashtra. I argue that a crisis of dominance explains the Maratha's mobilisation for reservation. Understanding this crisis involves paying attention to the link between two crises—'urban' and 'rural'. The former arises from the rapid disappearance of well-paid jobs since the late 1990s in large-scale manufacturing and other industries in urban areas. The latter refers to the return of retrenched factory workers to their villages and the loss of their social status. It also refers to the inability of the rural youths with low or vernacular education to migrate to urban areas for well-paid employment, and the disturbance of caste hierarchy norms in rural settings. I conclude that the Maratha crisis of dominance will persist under the neoliberal Indian state due to the privatisation of higher education and absence of well-paid, secured jobs for individuals with low level or vernacular education. The price of this crisis will be paid by Dalits, who have been the victims of brutal atrocities carried out by the Marathas.

Der Beitrag untersucht Prozesse politischer Mobilisierung durch Bildung in einem kolonialen Kontext. In Indien entwickelte sich Bildung im 19. Jahrhundert zu einem wichtigen Kristallisationspunkt sozialpolitischer Auseinandersetzungen: Einerseits richtete sich die Forderung nach einer Ausweitung von Bildungschancen unmittelbar gegen bestehende Ausschlüsse im Rahmen der Kasten- und Geschlechterhierarchien. Andererseits sollte über Bildungsangebote eine Solidargemeinschaft der unteren und untersten Kasten gestiftet werden, die sich unter dem Begriff Dalit Bahujan zu einer wichtigen politischen Kategorie im modernen Indien entwickelt hat. Insgesamt beleuchtet der Beitrag das spannungsreiche Verhältnis von kolonialer Herrschaft, Nationenformierung und subalterner politischer Mobilisierung. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The article analyses political mobilization through education in a colonial context. In the 19th century education became an important field of socio-political contestation in India. Gaining access to schooling and critical world knowledge became a crucial means in the struggles of the lower and lowest castes, the so-called shudra-atishudras, to contest the social hierarchies and educational privileges of 'brahminical patriarchy'. The early anti-caste movement deployed schooling, public entertainment, and various literary forms to create a community of the 'oppressed majority' of the lower and lowest castes. Thus, they contributed to the emergence of an important political identity in modern India, the Dalit Bahujan. Looking at these processes, the paper sheds light on the complex relations of colonialism, nationalism, and subaltern mobilization. (DIPF/Orig.)

AbstractAlthough different social crises may eventually favor undemocratic and authoritarian forms of governance, at some point, such antidemocratic practices require the support of a significant part of the population to be implemented. The present research investigates how and whether the COVID‐19 pandemic might have favoured greater support for antidemocratic governmental practices, on the premise of regaining control and security. Using data from 17 countries (N = 4364) and national‐level indicators (i.e., real number of contagions and deaths, and sociopolitical indicators), we test how the risk of contagion and death from COVID‐19, along with personal orientations (i.e., social dominance orientation [SDO], right‐wing authoritarianism [RWA], and perceived anomie) motivate authoritarian and antidemocratic practices. Results from multilevel models indicate that risk perception and perceptions of political instability predict a wish for stronger leadership, agreement with martial law, and support for a controlling government especially when SDO and RWA are high, while more egalitarian and less conservative people agree less with these authoritarian measures in spite of the levels of risk perception. We discuss the implications for these findings for future research on similar but also dissimilar external events (natural disasters, war, or terror incidents) and the consequences for societies with higher authoritarian tendencies.