U radu autor na temelju izvornog arhivskog gradiva, onodobne periodike i relevantne literature analizira događanja oko naftnih polja zapadnog Srijema (s posebnim naglaskom na onom u Đeletovcima), a u kontekstu provedbe triju mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj (UNPROFOR, UNCRO i UNTAES). Imajući na umu presudnu stratešku važnost naftnih polja zapadnog Srijema, autor zaključuje da su mirovne snage, čak i unutar ograničenja tradicionalnih operacija za čuvanje mira (UNPROFOR i UNCRO), propustileaktivnim nastupom spriječiti krađu nafte, čime su ohrabrile krajinske Srbe u politici opstrukcije mirovnih operacija. Do aktivnije uloge mirovnih snaga je, iako u promijenjenim okolnostima, ipak došlo početkom operacije UNTAES, što je bio trenutak u kojem je zacrtan kasniji uspjeh mirne reintegracije hrvatskog Podunavlja. ; In this paper the author analyses occurrences connected with the oilfields of western Syrmia (with special emphasis on the oilfield in Đeletovci) based on archival material, the periodicals of the time and relevant literature in the context of the implementation of the three peacekeeping operations of the United Nations in Croatia (UNPROFOR, UNCRO and UNTAES). Bearing the decisive strategic importance of oilfields of western Syrmia in mind, the author has come to the conclusion that the peacekeeping forces, even within the limitations of traditional peacekeeping operations (UNPROFOR and UNCRO) failed to prevent oil theft by an active approach. By doing so they encouraged the Krajina Serbs in their policy of obstructing the peacekeeping operations. However, a more active role of the peacekeeping forces, albeit in altered circumstances, occurred at the beginning of the UNTAES operation, which was the moment when the later success of the peaceful reintegration of the Croatian Danube River Basin was set out.
U radu autor analizira djelovanje Samostalne demokratske stranke (SDS) u Slavoniji i Srijemu 1924.-1929. Čitatelj se upućuje na okolnosti nastanka stranke, ustroj stranačke infrastrukture, etničku i socijalnu strukturu, tisak te rezultate na parlamentarnim, oblasnim i lokalnim izborima. SDS je, usprkos isticanju unitarističke dogme o jedinstvenom jugoslavenskom narodu, počivao na podršci srpskih birača i nalazio se u stalnom nadmetanju s radikalima za poziciju najjače srpske stranke slavonsko-srijemskog prostora. ; In this paper the author analyses the activities of the Independent Democratic Party (SDS) in Slavonia and Syrmia from 1924 to 1929. The reader will be familiarised with the circumstances of the development of the party, the organization of the party's infrastructure, the ethnic and social structure, the press and the results of parliamentary, regional and local elections. Although the Independent Democratic Party advocated the unitary dogma of a single Yugoslav nation, it was drew on the support of Serbian voters and constantly competed with the Radicals for the position of the most powerful Serbian party in the Slavonian-Syrmian territory. The Independent Democratic Party in Slavonia and Syrmia managed during the last four and a half years of the parliamentary regime of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to make itself into a significant political factor. In the territories of the Virovitica and Požega County it was in a constant struggle with the Radicals for the position of the second most important political power, while in the territory of the Syrmian County it lagged behind the Radicals. However, it did not succeed in approaching Radić's Party which during that period succeeded in keeping the position of dominant political party. With respect to the Democratic Party that it had emerged from, the conclusion can be drawn that it attracted the majority of the members and adherents of the former united Democrats. The Independent Democratic Party in Slavonia and Syrmia drew heavily on the support of the Serbian electorate. On the one hand, this implies that the party had not entirely succeeded in affirming its unitary Yugoslav political platform, since it was evident that it was rejected by the Croats, the majority population. The struggle for the sympathy of the Serbian voters naturally led to fierce political confrontations with the Radicals, which were only temporarily calmed by the coalitions of the two parties at the level of the state as a whole. At the same time the Independent Democratic Party above all proved to be the political representative of the Serbian peasantry of the Slavonian-Syrmian area which implied confrontations with the Radicals and also with the ever-greatger influence of farmers. Various forms of para-political organization on which the unique Democratic Party had been successfully working before the party split (Peasant Councils, Voluntary Association and the Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists) considerably supplemented and thereby strengthened the power of the Independent Democratic Party after spring 1924. While monarchism and the Serbian electoral base considerably facilitated a short-term coalition with the Radicals in 1925 (National Block), the Independent Democratic Party and the Croatian Peasant Party (Peasant Democratic Coalition) shared lesser connecting features. The party leadership and certain sincere supporters of a coalition with Radić's Party (the leader of the Party in Osijek, Milan Stijić or the Pakrac Orthodox priest Danilo Podunavac) endeavoured to ease the ideological and programme differences by emphasizing the mutual menace to both the Croats and Serbs of the transriparian Serb areas. However, other Slavonian-Syrmian party leaders (Svetislav Popović and Milenko Marković) considered an alliance with the Croatian Peasant Party to be a great violation of the dogma of the national unity of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes or a threat to the centralistic state. Hence, it would be no exaggeration to state that Alexander's undemocratic act (probably) pre-empted a schism within the Independent Democratic Party.
U radu se analizira djelovanje dviju temeljnih međunarodnih organizacija - Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda - uključenih u razdoblje Domovinskog rata, tj. razdoblje stvaranja samostalne hrvatske države (1991.-1995.). Djelovanje tih organizacija analizira se u dvostrukom smislu - u širem kontekstu te na primjeru konkretne regije (zapadna Slavonija). Rad predstavlja prvu znanstvenu analizu djelovanja Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj 1991.-1995. (s posebnim naglaskom na provedbu koncepta mirovne operacije Ujedinjenih naroda). ; The paper analyzes the effects of two fundamental international organizations - the European Community and United Nations - involved in the war period, ie the creation of an independent Croatian state (1991.-1995.). Effect of the above organizations is analyzed in a double sense - in a broader context and the specific example of the region (Western Slavonia). The work represents the first scientific analysis action of the European Community and the United Nations in Croatia, 1991.-1995. (with special emphasis on the implementation of the concept of peacekeeping operations of the United Nations).
In this paper authors analyze the prosecution of the widespread chant "Marjane, Marjane" during 1980's in Socialist Republic of Croatia. Widespread version of the chant regime has proscribed, declaring it a form of hostile or anti-state act. Individuals who would sing any of prohibited versions would be mostly subjugated to political felony procedure and sentenced to prison.
In this paper authors analyze the prosecution of the widespread chant "Marjane, Marjane" during 1980's in Socialist Republic of Croatia. Widespread version of the chant regime has proscribed, declaring it a form of hostile or anti-state act. Individuals who would sing any of prohibited versions would be mostly subjugated to political felony procedure and sentenced to prison. ; In this paper authors analyze the prosecution of the widespread chant "Marjane, Marjane" during 1980's in Socialist Republic of Croatia. Widespread version of the chant regime has proscribed, declaring it a form of hostile or anti-state act. Individuals who would sing any of prohibited versions would be mostly subjugated to political felony procedure and sentenced to prison.
In this paper, the authors analyze the relation of the international community (the European Community) to the minority legislation of Republic of Croatia in 1991-1992. Namely, establishing beyond any doubt and evaluating the reasons why the Yugoslavia Peace Conference or the special institution, which the European Community formed in order to find a peaceful solution of the conflict, pressed Zagreb so strongly to make profound changes to the minority legislation. Special attention is given to the Conference's fixation on the special status or regional political autonomy for the territories of Republic of Croatia with Serbian majority.
U radu autori analiziraju korijene, donošenje i neposredne učinke prvog posredničkog napora Europske zajednice u jugoslavenskoj krizi, odnosno Zajedničke deklaracije o mirnom rješavanju jugoslavenske krize, usvojenoj na Brijunima 7. srpnja 1991. Autori utvrđuju kako je djelovanje posredničke misije Europske zajednice, ministarske trojke, oformljene kao posebna ad hoc interventna skupina, bilo obilježeno brojnim nedosljednostima i drugim postupcima koji nisu bili u skladu s nužnom nepristranošću međunarodnog posredništva. ; The authors analyze the roots, enactment and immediate effects of the first mediation efforts by the European Community in the crisis of the former Yugoslavia, i.e., the Joint Declaration on seeking a peaceful solution to the Yugoslav crisis, signed on the Brioni Islands on July 7, 1991. The authors have determined that the intermediary mission of the European Community, the Ministerial Troika, formed as a special ad hoc intervention group, was marred by numerous inconsistencies and other behavior incompatible with the necessary impartiality of international mediation.
