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The minimum wage for most fast‐​food workers in California went up to $20 per hour in April. Since then—no surprise—thousands of workers have lost their jobs and menu prices have risen.

If individuals want to support a "progressive" NPR through charitable contributions, that's fine. But don't force taxpayers to help foot the bill.

DEI is built upon a foundation whose very mission is to perpetuate racism.

Sweden today is not what Bernie Sanders remembers from the 1970s. It's a much better and freer place than it was back then.

Saudi Arabia's human rights record should make it a pariah among nations.

While Ramaswamy's goals may seem fantastic, scholars at the Cato Institute have presented detailed policies for reducing the size of the federal government and its workforce.

Between 1975 and 2022 the annual chance of being killed on U.S. soil in an attack by a terrorist who crossed the border illegally was zero.

At the first GOP presidential debate on August 23, four contenders said they would end the department if elected. While trusting a politician's promise is a dubious gamble, closing down Fed‐​Ed is good policy.

Literature struggles in South Africa—or, struggles of interpretation?—evince, and continue to evince, a thematic and stylistic impulse to belong to a common society, but, paradoxically, a society that is often more disjunctive than conjunctive. How, then, to belong? I trace the trajectory from the black-and-white voices of the 1970s to a more heterogeneous conception of the society, after apartheid, and particularly over the last decade, or so. What is peculiar about literature struggles is that the heroic mode has played a relatively marginal role in sense-making or imaginative projection; rather, the critical insight ensures that political language—too often crude in its singularities of either/or—has seldom enjoyed the unalloyed assent of literary language. Considerations of nation-building hardly feature alongside the concerns of living in a functioning society.

In his 1974 work, Theory of the Avant-Garde, Peter Bürger developed a sociological argument that the practices of the historical avant-garde had emerged as a fusion of art and life, merging practices into a hybrid assault on autonomy that can be characterized as distinctly avant-garde. Refuting previous positions, Bürger argued that the avant-garde wasn't concerned with merely dismantling the classifications of art, but the institution of art in its entirety. This was dramatically opposed to Clement Greenberg's hegemonic theory of art practice, where the segregated medium was the sole attribute through which the avant-garde could advance. It was in opposition to this diffusion of art practice that Bürger's theory framed a radicalized lens through which the avant-garde could be reconceptualised: combatting the segregation of medium with a deliberate fusing of the structures of art and their political and social histories. This paper will look at the significant role fusion, as a strategy, plays in Bürger's seminal work and its reception. It is the recognition of fusion as an oppositional system in art production that not only distinguishes his approach from early incarnations of modernism, but has also seen the extension of his work into ongoing critical projects in art theory in America, which have radicalised fusion as a critical and creative practice.