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AbstractIn Western Europe, individuals and groups increasingly claim that publicly enunciated denigrating racial discourse inflicts an injury upon them, and inscribe this claim under the rubric of equality. By adopting a method of claim‐centered critical theorizing, I discuss the possibilities and implications of reading "claims of racialized discursive injury" as claims to equality. A review of contemporary political theorists concerned with equality and injurious discourse establishes the democratic relevance of claims of discursive injury. A discussion of Judith Butler's theory of performativity then identifies the properties of the injurable subject and of discourse's power. Finally, I specify how a postcolonial stance enables us to grasp the actualization of discursive injury as it resonates between past colonial inequalities and threats of future exclusion or death. This equality‐focused reading sheds light on the transformative potential of claims of racialized discursive injury for resignifying equality in contexts marked by "race" and postcolonialism.

Across contexts and time, subjects marked by racial difference have expressed public accounts of the multiple injuries of race. From the vantage point of critical race and black theory, this paper sheds light on both the heuristic and critical political values of such accounts. The first part critically reassesses conceptualizations of vulnerability as an ambivalent ontological condition within critical approaches to liberalism. A close reading of Fanon's account of injury in Black Skin, White Masks specifies how race exploits bodily and enunciative vulnerability and materializes subjects into a state of suspension and suspicion. The second part addresses the political promise of accounts of racialized injury. Departing from sceptical readings of "wounded attachment," critical race and black analyses associate accounts of injury with citational practices that pertain to historically entrenched conventions of resistance to racial and colonial abusive power. Such accounts can be read as misappropriations of race which expand the horizon of the human.

Discussing racism and its colonial genealogy remains difficult in contemporary Switzerland. This article addresses the politics of racism's name-ability at the crossroads of studies of 'postcolonial Switzerland' and 'raceless racism' in continental Europe. The former highlight Switzerland's self-conception as outside colonialism. The latter emphasize the complexities of Euro-racism, in particular its production through the absence of explicit racial references. Drawing on postcolonial discourse-analytic methodology, I explore the famous case of the 'sheep poster' that supported the far right-wing Swiss People's Party campaign in 2007 and triggered an important controversy around legitimate public images of 'Swissness' and 'difference'. The first section analyses the (untold) history of colonial racialised discourses that are conveyed by the poster. The second and third sections comprise a discourse analysis of the public claims that were expressed by various actors against or in defence of the poster. I show that the controversy consisted of a struggle between three antagonistic articulations of 'Swissness' and 'difference', namely between an antiracist discourse, and anti-exclusionary discourse, and defensive interventions. As the two latter discourses became hegemonic at the expense of the anti-racist critique, this struggle reasserted and renewed a regime of raceless racism, revealing both specificities and commonalities between the Swiss case and the broader context of postcolonial Europe.

In Western Europe, individuals and groups increasingly claim that publicly enunciated denigrating racial discourse inflicts an injury upon them, and inscribe this claim under the rubric of equality. By adopting a method of claim-centered critical theorizing, I discuss the possibilities and implications of reading "claims of racialized discursive injury" as claims to equality. A review of contemporary political theorists concerned with equality and injurious discourse establishes the democratic relevance of claims of discursive injury. A discussion of Judith Butler's theory of performativity then identifies the properties of the injurable subject and of discourse's power. Finally, I specify how a postcolonial stance enables us to grasp the actualization of discursive injury as it resonates between past colonial inequalities and threats of future exclusion or death. This equality-focused reading sheds light on the transformative potential of claims of racialized discursive injury for resignifying equality in contexts marked by "race" and postcolonialism.

Cet article veut appréhender la construction de la « conscience postcoloniale » qui oriente les réflexions politiques et intellectuelles autour des enjeux liés aux étrangers et aux Français descendant des colonisés. En d'autres termes, je cherche à savoir dans quelle mesure ces réflexions tiennent compte du moment colonial en tant que processus structurant de la société française. Le récent débat autour de l'article de loi qui promeut le « rôle positif » de la colonisation dans les manuels scolaires est éclairant à ce sujet. L'analyse des prises de position des partisans de l'annulation de cet article de loi (historiens, députés, associations de descendants de colonisés etc.) met à jour deux logiques argumentatives distinctes : la logique soutenue par la majorité évacue la place du passé colonial dans la sphère politique ; l'autre met ce dernier au centre. A partir de cette analyse, je souligne la faiblesse d'une « conscience postcoloniale » au sein des constructions intellectuelles autour de l'altérité qui dominent en France. Je discute ensuite des implications de cette faiblesse pour conclure qu'une plus grande conscience de la construction historique de la différence raciale et ethnique apporterait une lecture plus appropriée des questions liées à la mémoire coloniale ou à tout autre enjeu touchant la réalisation effective de l'inclusion politique et de la démocratie.

Noémi Michel se base sur la théorie politique et postcoloniale contemporaine pour explorer des controverses en Suisse et en France autour des mots et images hérités du colonialisme. Ses recherches rendent compte du pouvoir injurieux du discours et soutiennent qu'il faut recevoir les contestations publiques contre les discours racistes «blessants» comme des appels à l'égalité.

This paper looks at the determinants of the political participation of Muslims. We assess the impact of associational involvement on their overall political participation and their involvement in protest activities. We do so using original survey data consisting of a random sample of Muslim residents in Switzerland. Our analysis provides support to the argument that associational involvement is a strong predictor of political participation. The findings suggest that Muslims involved in cross-ethnic organisations are more likely to engage in politics. This holds for the overall political participation and for engagement in protest activities. In terms of social capital theory, our findings confirm that bridging social capital is as crucial when it comes to explaining the political participation of Muslims as it is when dealing with migrants in general. However, we also observe a positive impact of the involvement in religious associations. We interpret this effect as an indication that bonding social capital plays a role in the political participation of ethno-religious minorities, but one based on a religious rather than an ethnic cleavage. Future research should pay more attention to this relationship.

James Baldwin's writing, his persona, as well as his public speeches, interviews, and discussions are undergoing a renewed reception in the arts, in queer and critical race studies, and in queer of color movements. Directed by Raoul Peck, the film I Am Not Your Negro decisively contributed to the rekindled circulation of Baldwin across the Atlantic. Since 2017, screenings and commentaries on the highly acclaimed film have prompted discussions about the persistent yet variously racialized tempo- rospatial formations of Europe and the U.S. Stemming from a roundtable that fol- lowed a screening in Zurich in February 2018, this collective essay wanders between the audio-visual and textual matter of the film and Baldwin's essay "Stranger in the Village," which was also adapted into a film-essay directed by Pierre Koralnik, staging Baldwin in the Swiss village of Leukerbad. Privileging Black feminist, post- colonial, and queer of color perspectives, we identify three sites of Baldwin's trans- atlantic reverberations: situated knowledge, controlling images, and everyday sexual racism. In conclusion, we reflect on the implications of racialized, sexualized politics for today's Black feminist, queer, and trans of color movements located in continental Europe—especially in Switzerland and France.

James Baldwin's writing, his persona, as well as his public speeches, interviews, and discussions are undergoing a renewed reception in the arts, in queer and critical race studies, and in queer of color movements. Directed by Raoul Peck, the film I Am Not Your Negro decisively contributed to the rekindled circulation of Baldwin across the Atlantic. Since 2017, screenings and commentaries on the highly acclaimed film have prompted discussions about the persistent yet variously racialized tempo-rospatial formations of Europe and the U.S. Stemming from a roundtable that fol-lowed a screening in Zurich in February 2018, this collective essay wanders between the audio-visual and textual matter of the film and Baldwin's essay "Stranger in the Village," which was also adapted into a film-essay directed by Pierre Koralnik, staging Baldwin in the Swiss village of Leukerbad. Privileging Black feminist, post-colonial, and queer of color perspectives, we identify three sites of Baldwin's trans-atlantic reverberations: situated knowledge, controlling images, and everyday sexual racism. In conclusion, we reflect on the implications of racialized, sexualized politics for today's Black feminist, queer, and trans of color movements located in continental Europe—especially in Switzerland and France.