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The establishment of the AUKUS system by the USA, Great Britain and Australia is a tangible proof of the change in the American maritime strategy and the rivalry with China for influence in the Indo-Pacific. Including Australia in the efforts to curb Chinese regional expansion is an undoubted success of Washington, which has skilfully used both the weaknesses of the QUAD agreement and the Australia-India-Indonesia trilateral cooperation to persuade Canberra to redefine its policy towards China and the region itself. As a result, Australia is becoming not only the second most important ally of the USA after Great Britain, but also the most important maritime player in the Indian Ocean. This status also poses a threat to the US, as it will weaken the community of interests with India and – to a lesser extent – with Saudi Arabia. Moreover, American politicians must accept the fact that they will be co-makers of policies in the Indo-Pacific region and that sometimes – in their own interest – they will be forced to remain passive in the face of actions taken by Canberra. The aim of the article is to analyze the political significance of the AUKUS agreement for American politics and to assess the possibility of its potential transformation into a political alliance or a regional maritime security complex. This assessment will be made based on the analysis of strategic documents of the signatories of the agreement and political and economic conditions in the Indo-Pacific region. The issue of approval by the American political establishment for recognizing Australia as an independent political player in this region was considered a major threat to the implementation of this political concept.

The article analyzes the process of achieving the status of an energy super-petrostate by Russia after 2016. The adoption of the above time limit results from a change in the form of implementation of the Russian energy policy. The adopted thesis is the statement that Russia is building its position as a world power on the basis of the super-petrostate concept, which has been supplemented with measures to reduce the risk of "Dutch disease" and the negative eff ects of competition with the US on the LNG market. This goal is achieved by sanctioning the position of an energy carrier exporter who has a signifi cant level of share in their global turnover. At the same time, these exports are to enable the modernization processes of the fuel and energy sector to be launched, allowing for the export of processed energy carriers and manufacturing technologies as well as the implementation of sustainable development policy. Policy focused on economic stimulation of regions located outside economic centers and using the possibilities of economizing production and consumption of energy. An important threat to this policy is the occurrence of the phenomenon of Dutch disease, resulting from the recognition of the fuel and energy sector as the most important sector of the economy, on which the concept of economic development was based, dependence on the level of hunt for energy carriers and their assessment on global markets. The achievement of these goals is also limited by the ability of the economy to absorb the modernization and innovation solutions used, and the reality of the implemented development programs by leading fuel and energy concerns. ; W artykule dokonano analizy procesu osiągania statusu mocarstwa energetycznego przez Rosję po 2016 r. Przyjęcie takiej cezury czasowej wynika ze zmiany formy realizacji rosyjskiej polityki energetycznej. Teza wyjściowa to stwierdzenie, że budowa pozycji mocarstwa światowego jest przez Rosję realizowana w oparciu o koncepcję super-petrostate, która została uzupełniona o przedsięwzięcia niwelujące zagrożenie wystąpienia choroby holenderskiej oraz negatywne skutki rywalizacji z USA na rynku gazu LNG. Strategia ta jest realizowana przez sankcjonowanie statusu eksportera nośników energetycznych, który posiada znaczny poziom udziału w ich globalnym obrocie. Eksport ten ma jednocześnie umożliwić uruchomienie procesów modernizacyjnych sektora paliwowo-energetycznego, pozwalających na prowadzenie eksportu przetworzonych nośników energii i technologii wytwórczych oraz na realizację polityki zrównoważonego rozwoju. Istotną rolę w tych procesach odgrywają koncerny energetyczne, które ściśle realizują politykę państwa, np. prowadzą ekspansję na wskazane rynki zbytu. Istotnymi zagrożeniami dla tej polityki są: zaistnienie zjawiska choroby holenderskiej, wynikającej z uznania sektora paliwowo-energetycznego za najważniejszy sektor gospodarki, na którym oparto całą koncepcję rozwoju gospodarczego i uzależnienie od poziomu zapotrzebowania na nośniki energii oraz ich ceny na globalnych rynkach. Ograniczeniem dla osiągnięcia tych celów jest także zdolności gospodarki do absorpcji zastosowanych rozwiązań modernizacyjno-innowacyjnych oraz realność wdrażanych programów rozwojowych przez wiodące koncerny paliwowo-energetyczne.

W artykule określono zakres szkolenia specjalistycznego w Marynarce Wojennej RP uwzględniający przeobrażenia środowiska bezpieczeństwa. W rozumieniu autora system ten tworzą zarówno uczelnie kształcące kadry oficerskie, jak i realizowany w jednostce wojskowej proces szkolenia, uzupełniany przez ćwiczenia oraz różnorodne formy kształcenia dodatkowego. Jego zakres tematyczny, poza wiedzą ogólną, wynikać powinien ze specyfiki narodowej polityki bezpieczeństwa, uwarunkowań prowadzenia działań w ramach systemu kooperacyjnego (sojusze wojskowe, koalicje ad hoc i układy regionalne) oraz przyjętej koncepcji rozwoju sił zbrojnych i ich wyposażenia technicznego. W przypadku sił morskich dodatkowymi czynnikami wpływającymi na kształt systemu szkolenia są: międzynarodowe wymogi dotyczące zakresu wiedzy specjalistycznej pracowników morza oraz specyfika samodzielnego działania na akwenach morskich, wymagająca umiejętności podjęcia decyzji przy ograniczonym wpływie na jej ostateczny kształt dowództwa wyższego szczebla. Z tego względu w artykule nie odniesiono się w pełni do zakresu szkolenia ogólnego oraz poziomu wyszkolenia morskiego, gdyż stosowanie Konwencji STCW i tzw. dobrej praktyki morskiej oraz umiejętność obsługi sprzętu w przypadku załóg okrętów jest wymogiem podstawowym, gwarantującym bezpieczeństwo ich zdrowia i życia. Natomiast w odniesieniu do szkolenia bojowego uznano, iż w trakcie studiów przyszli oficerowie MW RP powinni jedynie zapoznać się z zasadami prowadzenia działań bojowych rodzajów sił morskich, obsługą urządzeń i uzbrojenia oraz elementami dowodzenia, a praktyczne umiejętności sukcesywnie nabywać w ramach działalności szkoleniowej w jednostkach wojskowych oraz na kursach specjalistycznych. Określa to sposób organizacji systemu szkolenia w MW RP, który powinien być podzielony na trzy etapy. Zaproponowane rozwiązania są autorską koncepcją nie tylko procesu szkolenia w MW RP, ale także wizji wykorzystania potencjału sił morskich do realizacji polityki państwa, w których system ten odgrywa istotną rolę. ; The article specifies the scope of specialist training in the Polish Navy, taking into account the transformation of the security environment. In the author's understanding, this system consists of both schools educating officers and a training process carried out in a military unit, supplemented by exercises and various forms of supplementary education. Its thematic scope, apart from general knowledge, should result from the specifics of the national security policy, conditions for conducting activities under the cooperative system (military alliances, ad hoc coalitions and regional arrangements) and the adopted concept of the development of armed forces and their technical equipment. In the case of marine forces, additional factors affecting the shape of the training system include international requirements concerning the scope of specialist knowledge of sea workers and the specificity of independent operation on sea areas, requiring the ability to make a decision with a limited impact on the final shape of the high-level command. For this reason, the article does not fully address the scope of general training and the level of maritime training, since the application of the STCW Convention requirements is a basic requirement. On the other hand, with reference to combat training, it was considered that during the study the future officers of the Polish Armed Forces should only become acquainted with the principles of conducting combat operations of naval forces, equipment and weapons and command elements, and practical skills – should be successively acquired as part of training activities in military units and specialist courses. This is defined by the way of organizing the training system in the Polish Armed Forces, which should be divided into three stages. The proposed solutions are the original concept of not only the training process at the Polish Armed Forces, but a vision of using the potential of naval forces to implement the policy of the state, in which the training system plays a significant role.

Poland in the period of post-1990s economic transformation did not create a vision of the functioning of the maritime economy. It was considered that it is too small a sector of the economy to create its development programs. This was a mistake, as it stimulated socio-economic processes in coastal regions. This policy also led to the limited use of the territory of Poland as an important element of the European transport network, understood more broadly than the area of transit transport. It was only after 2012 that it was decided to prepare the maritime strategy as an operational strategy for state development programs.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; W artykule dokonano oceny prowadzonych w subregionie bałtyckim priorytetowych inwestycji energetycznych w kontekście założeń polskiej polityki energetycznej i interesów strategicznych państwa polskiego. Autor uznał, że regionalne inwestycje energetyczne mają charakter ekonomiczny oraz polityczny i w tym kontekście należy oceniać zasadność polskiego zaangażowania w projekty zwiększające poziom bezpieczeństwa energetycznego państw subregionu. ; In the article, the Baltic investment in energy has been evaluated, in the view of Polish energy policy and Polish strategy system. The author claims that the regional energy investments have bought economic and political aspects and that the validity of Polish participation in the project, whose aim is to increase energy security of the countries in this region, should be measured respectively.

Baltic Sea, as an area of strategic importance for Russia's policy toward Europe, has become a place of showcase of Russia's military might. Its primary purpose is to show the international community the level of determination Russian authorities express to make national interests of the Federation included in the global politics. The number of incidents which cannot be a ground for military action on a larger scale – even according to Russian conventions – requires a politico- military response by regional supranational organizations. The response should take the form of smart-power strategies and the formula of military involvement must go beyond purely defensive action in response to enemy action. Hence, it is necessary to determine the scope of comprehensive EU and NATO operations (due to the need to protect the territorial sovereignty of Sweden and Finland) to offset the forms of Russian incidental activities in a way that does not elevate political tension in the region. Such a reaction is possible through effective impact on forms of activities on the waters of the Baltic Sea, which are important for Russia, notably shipping. The European Union, and the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) in particular, has appropriate instruments to create an effective impact. On the other hand, the role of the North Atlantic Treaty should be to prepare and conduct systematic and comprehensive operations which limit the possibility of encroaching on the treaty territory and protect the member states against Russia applying instruments of hybrid war. Key words: Baltic Sea, Russian national interests, NATO, The European Union

Realization of a national interests is a leading through the country political-economy actions based on a possessed national strategy. In Polish reality the role of leading strategy should be played by a long-term development plans. Now strategy - Long-time National Development Strategy Poland 2030 is one of them. It defines detailed in some, defined by country, areas of its actions and indicate the way of achieve them. In case of Polish sea interest, we should admit that they are not strictly related with sea economy and in a much higher degree are determinate in sectors strategy, energetic, environment and regional development. Achieving them is conditioned by ability to use it's own potential and due to limited possibility in impact on sea areas, also in use already existing or arising supranational arrangements. Independent leaded by Poland actions should be concentrate in Baltic Sea. Important target should be correlation polish national interests with regional cooperation plans. It should be concentrate in sailing security issue, especially oil tankers and incorporate polish ports into system of transporting commodities form Asia to Europe and combating organized crimes. We should admit that, the most important target of polish presence on others water reservoirs is partial assumption of liability for polish transport of LNG gaze security by UE and NATO. That is why committed ourselves in UE action, including combating immigrations (BRODEX project) is necessary.

Since 2015, there has been a change in the security doctrine regarding the forms of use of the military potential of the Russian Federation's Armed Forces, while the use of political-military influence has been transformed. The main thesis of the article is based on the assumption that Russian foreign policy is directed by strategic objectives and achieved through a wide range of projects, including limiting all forms and methods of possible retaliatory action from the international community. One of the most important tasks in the defense effort is to expand the so-called external defense ring, the essential elements of which are coordinated political and economic undertakings (strategic safeguarding of Russian interests) and the development of the armed forces' combat potential (military deterrence). It should be noted that the priority forms of influence are political-diplomatic and economic instruments, only supported and supplemented by military potential. Within the framework of this military potential, the important elements of the projects are in a wide sense the practical implementation of the idea of non-contact war, the activities of special forces and information warfare.