Migration processes are increasingly influencing the economic and social development of countries around the world. As many EU countries are facing the shortage of skilled labour force, non-EU nationals, also known as third-country nationals (TCNs), are increasingly coming to EU countries to live and work. This poses new challenges to EU Member States and their economic and social systems. For many decades Lithuania received almost no immigration and it did not have any immigration policy, however, the stabilisation of the country's economy after the crisis of 2008–2009 encouraged immigration growth in Lithuania from 2011, in particular on account of TCN migrants. Today, Lithuania is one of the European countries with steadily growing flows of immigrants from third countries. The article analyses the labour migration policy from the third countries in Lithuania as well as challenges related to employment and social protection of TCNs in Lithuania. The analysis has shown that TCN migrants have been gaining more and more influence in the Lithuanian labour market since 2015, although their relative weight still remains very low. The growing number of TCN migrants in the Lithuanian labour market brought an urgency to pay more attention to the protection of their rights and guarantees as well as to opportunities for the integration of migrants into Lithuanian society. On the other hand, there are still a number of abuses by employers: migrants are applied lower pay rates for work, are offered to work longer hours than regulated by the Labour Code, and there is deficiency in immigrants' working conditions. However, the number of such incidents is declining in Lithuania.
Migration processes are increasingly influencing the economic and social development of countries around the world. As many EU countries are facing the shortage of skilled labour force, non-EU nationals, also known as third-country nationals (TCNs), are increasingly coming to EU countries to live and work. This poses new challenges to EU Member States and their economic and social systems. For many decades Lithuania received almost no immigration and it did not have any immigration policy, however, the stabilisation of the country's economy after the crisis of 2008–2009 encouraged immigration growth in Lithuania from 2011, in particular on account of TCN migrants. Today, Lithuania is one of the European countries with steadily growing flows of immigrants from third countries. The article analyses the labour migration policy from the third countries in Lithuania as well as challenges related to employment and social protection of TCNs in Lithuania. The analysis has shown that TCN migrants have been gaining more and more influence in the Lithuanian labour market since 2015, although their relative weight still remains very low. The growing number of TCN migrants in the Lithuanian labour market brought an urgency to pay more attention to the protection of their rights and guarantees as well as to opportunities for the integration of migrants into Lithuanian society. On the other hand, there are still a number of abuses by employers: migrants are applied lower pay rates for work, are offered to work longer hours than regulated by the Labour Code, and there is deficiency in immigrants' working conditions. However, the number of such incidents is declining in Lithuania.
Migration processes are increasingly influencing the economic and social development of countries around the world. As many EU countries are facing the shortage of skilled labour force, non-EU nationals, also known as third-country nationals (TCNs), are increasingly coming to EU countries to live and work. This poses new challenges to EU Member States and their economic and social systems. For many decades Lithuania received almost no immigration and it did not have any immigration policy, however, the stabilisation of the country's economy after the crisis of 2008–2009 encouraged immigration growth in Lithuania from 2011, in particular on account of TCN migrants. Today, Lithuania is one of the European countries with steadily growing flows of immigrants from third countries. The article analyses the labour migration policy from the third countries in Lithuania as well as challenges related to employment and social protection of TCNs in Lithuania. The analysis has shown that TCN migrants have been gaining more and more influence in the Lithuanian labour market since 2015, although their relative weight still remains very low. The growing number of TCN migrants in the Lithuanian labour market brought an urgency to pay more attention to the protection of their rights and guarantees as well as to opportunities for the integration of migrants into Lithuanian society. On the other hand, there are still a number of abuses by employers: migrants are applied lower pay rates for work, are offered to work longer hours than regulated by the Labour Code, and there is deficiency in immigrants' working conditions. However, the number of such incidents is declining in Lithuania.
Migration processes are increasingly influencing the economic and social development of countries around the world. As many EU countries are facing the shortage of skilled labour force, non-EU nationals, also known as third-country nationals (TCNs), are increasingly coming to EU countries to live and work. This poses new challenges to EU Member States and their economic and social systems. For many decades Lithuania received almost no immigration and it did not have any immigration policy, however, the stabilisation of the country's economy after the crisis of 2008–2009 encouraged immigration growth in Lithuania from 2011, in particular on account of TCN migrants. Today, Lithuania is one of the European countries with steadily growing flows of immigrants from third countries. The article analyses the labour migration policy from the third countries in Lithuania as well as challenges related to employment and social protection of TCNs in Lithuania. The analysis has shown that TCN migrants have been gaining more and more influence in the Lithuanian labour market since 2015, although their relative weight still remains very low. The growing number of TCN migrants in the Lithuanian labour market brought an urgency to pay more attention to the protection of their rights and guarantees as well as to opportunities for the integration of migrants into Lithuanian society. On the other hand, there are still a number of abuses by employers: migrants are applied lower pay rates for work, are offered to work longer hours than regulated by the Labour Code, and there is deficiency in immigrants' working conditions. However, the number of such incidents is declining in Lithuania.
Available studies indicate a strong negative correlation between poverty and social expenditures in EU countries. It means that the country's at-risk-of-poverty rate tends to erode with increasing social expenditure. However, the studies have demonstrated that the impact of government spending on poverty may vary according to the sector of spending, how well it is targeted, and the way in which it is financed. Some countries manage to achieve a rather significant poverty rate reduction even with relatively low, in the context of other Member States, social expenditure (percentage of GDP). This suggests that in order to reduce poverty rates, it is important to consider not only the amount allocated to social spending, but also the areas the social transfers are channelled to. The article aims to analyse how the composition and the extent of social spending/transfers may affect poverty reduction in EU countries. The analysis showed that social protection transfers reduce the percentage of people at-risk-of-poverty in all countries, however, to a very different extent. Regression analysis demonstrated that social exclusion and family/children expenditure was found to be the most important predictor for a relative antipoverty effect of social transfers: even a small percentage increase in such expenditure allows quite a significant increase in the relative antipoverty effect of social transfers.
Available studies indicate a strong negative correlation between poverty and social expenditures in EU countries. It means that the country's at-risk-of-poverty rate tends to erode with increasing social expenditure. However, the studies have demonstrated that the impact of government spending on poverty may vary according to the sector of spending, how well it is targeted, and the way in which it is financed. Some countries manage to achieve a rather significant poverty rate reduction even with relatively low, in the context of other Member States, social expenditure (percentage of GDP). This suggests that in order to reduce poverty rates, it is important to consider not only the amount allocated to social spending, but also the areas the social transfers are channelled to. The article aims to analyse how the composition and the extent of social spending/transfers may affect poverty reduction in EU countries. The analysis showed that social protection transfers reduce the percentage of people at-risk-of-poverty in all countries, however, to a very different extent. Regression analysis demonstrated that social exclusion and family/children expenditure was found to be the most important predictor for a relative antipoverty effect of social transfers: even a small percentage increase in such expenditure allows quite a significant increase in the relative antipoverty effect of social transfers.
Available studies indicate a strong negative correlation between poverty and social expenditures in EU countries. It means that the country's at-risk-of-poverty rate tends to erode with increasing social expenditure. However, the studies have demonstrated that the impact of government spending on poverty may vary according to the sector of spending, how well it is targeted, and the way in which it is financed. Some countries manage to achieve a rather significant poverty rate reduction even with relatively low, in the context of other Member States, social expenditure (percentage of GDP). This suggests that in order to reduce poverty rates, it is important to consider not only the amount allocated to social spending, but also the areas the social transfers are channelled to. The article aims to analyse how the composition and the extent of social spending/transfers may affect poverty reduction in EU countries. The analysis showed that social protection transfers reduce the percentage of people at-risk-of-poverty in all countries, however, to a very different extent. Regression analysis demonstrated that social exclusion and family/children expenditure was found to be the most important predictor for a relative antipoverty effect of social transfers: even a small percentage increase in such expenditure allows quite a significant increase in the relative antipoverty effect of social transfers.
Available studies indicate a strong negative correlation between poverty and social expenditures in EU countries. It means that the country's at-risk-of-poverty rate tends to erode with increasing social expenditure. However, the studies have demonstrated that the impact of government spending on poverty may vary according to the sector of spending, how well it is targeted, and the way in which it is financed. Some countries manage to achieve a rather significant poverty rate reduction even with relatively low, in the context of other Member States, social expenditure (percentage of GDP). This suggests that in order to reduce poverty rates, it is important to consider not only the amount allocated to social spending, but also the areas the social transfers are channelled to. The article aims to analyse how the composition and the extent of social spending/transfers may affect poverty reduction in EU countries. The analysis showed that social protection transfers reduce the percentage of people at-risk-of-poverty in all countries, however, to a very different extent. Regression analysis demonstrated that social exclusion and family/children expenditure was found to be the most important predictor for a relative antipoverty effect of social transfers: even a small percentage increase in such expenditure allows quite a significant increase in the relative antipoverty effect of social transfers.
Part-time employment is the most widely used flexible form of employment in many countries across the world. According to Eurostat, an increasing number of European people are working part-time. However, large differences existing in European Union (EU) countries raise a question as to why some EU countries have part-time employment making up about a fourth of the total employment (like in Austria) while in others it accounts for just a few percents (like in Bulgaria). This paper aims at analysing drivers of part-time employment, its advantages and drawbacks, as well as part-time employment developments in Lithuania in the context of other EU countries. In achieving the above-mentioned objective, a particu- lar emphasis is placed on the phenomenon of involuntary part-time employment both in Lithuania and in other EU countries, and on wage influence.
Part-time employment is the most widely used flexible form of employment in many countries across the world. According to Eurostat, an increasing number of European people are working part-time. However, large differences existing in European Union (EU) countries raise a question as to why some EU countries have part-time employment making up about a fourth of the total employment (like in Austria) while in others it accounts for just a few percents (like in Bulgaria). This paper aims at analysing drivers of part-time employment, its advantages and drawbacks, as well as part-time employment developments in Lithuania in the context of other EU countries. In achieving the above-mentioned objective, a particu- lar emphasis is placed on the phenomenon of involuntary part-time employment both in Lithuania and in other EU countries, and on wage influence.
Part-time employment is the most widely used flexible form of employment in many countries across the world. According to Eurostat, an increasing number of European people are working part-time. However, large differences existing in European Union (EU) countries raise a question as to why some EU countries have part-time employment making up about a fourth of the total employment (like in Austria) while in others it accounts for just a few percents (like in Bulgaria). This paper aims at analysing drivers of part-time employment, its advantages and drawbacks, as well as part-time employment developments in Lithuania in the context of other EU countries. In achieving the above-mentioned objective, a particu- lar emphasis is placed on the phenomenon of involuntary part-time employment both in Lithuania and in other EU countries, and on wage influence.
Part-time employment is the most widely used flexible form of employment in many countries across the world. According to Eurostat, an increasing number of European people are working part-time. However, large differences existing in European Union (EU) countries raise a question as to why some EU countries have part-time employment making up about a fourth of the total employment (like in Austria) while in others it accounts for just a few percents (like in Bulgaria). This paper aims at analysing drivers of part-time employment, its advantages and drawbacks, as well as part-time employment developments in Lithuania in the context of other EU countries. In achieving the above-mentioned objective, a particu- lar emphasis is placed on the phenomenon of involuntary part-time employment both in Lithuania and in other EU countries, and on wage influence.
The article analyses the types of atypical forms of employment and their spread in Lithuania in the context of the European Union. A special emphasis in the article is laid on security of atypical workers in the labour market. The literature analysis carried out in the article revealed that despite certain advantages of atypical employment atypical employees are less secure in the labour market than employees in standard employment. This insecurity is determined by more frequent stresses due to work-related situations, poor visibility regarding the future level of income and career perspectives. The analysis of statistical data revealed that self-employment and part-time work are the most prevalent atypical forms of employment in Lithuania. A special mention should also be given to two atypical forms of employment – selfemployment and temporary agency work – which have grown most over the past few years in Lithuania. ; Sparti technologijų plėtra, auganti konkurencija globalioje rinkoje lemia didesnio darbo rinkos lankstumo būtinybę, o tai savo ruožtu skatina nestandartinių užimtumo formų atsiradimą. Dėl šios priežasties per paskutinį dešimtmetį visame pasaulyje šalia standartinių užimtumo formų – darbo visu etatu – išpopuliarėjo ir netipinės, standartinio užimtumo modelio neatitinkančios formos. Tokioms nestandartinėms užimtumo formoms paprastai būdingas netipinis darbo laikas, specifinė darbo sutartis ar kitos mažiau įprastos įdarbinimo sąlygos. Kaip rodo tyrimai, netipinės užimtumo formos yra itin paplitusios paslaugų sektoriuje, ypač socialinio darbo ir namų ūkyje atliekamose ekonominėse veiklose. Augant netipinių užimtumo formų mastui Europos šalyse, atsiranda vis daugiau prieštaravimų dėl jų naudingumo šalies ekonomikai ir visuomenei. Neretai būgštaujama, kad netipiniai darbo santykiai gali tapti norma ir visiškai pakeisti standartinius darbo santykius. Kalbėdami apie netipines užimtumo formas, ir politikai, ir mokslininkai, iš vienos pusės, pabrėžia, kad nestandartiniai ir lankstūs darbo santykiai įmonėms suteikia galimybę greičiau reaguoti į kintančius vartotojų poreikius, išlaikyti įvairesnę darbo jėgą bei geriau derinti darbo vietų paklausą ir pasiūlą, iš kitos pusės, pažymi, kad, liberalizuojant darbo santykius, būtina darbuotojams užtikrinti kuo didesnį saugumą (Commission of the European Communities, 2006). Atsižvelgiant į minėtas nuostatas, tikslinga analizuoti netipinio užimtumo formas ir jų paplitimą Lietuvoje, nagrinėti, kokios įtakos netipinis užimtumas turi darbuotojų darbo sąlygoms ir jų saugumui darbo rinkoje. Kalbant apie šios temos aktualumą Lietuvoje, reikia pažymėti ir tai, kad pastaruoju metu itin daug diskutuojama apie naująjį LR darbo kodekso patvirtinimo, įsigaliojimo ir įgyvendinimo įstatymo projektą, kuriame numatyta nemažai naujų darbo sutarčių rūšių. Tikėtina, kad, įteisinus naująjį darbo kodeksą, netipinis užimtumas Lietuvoje dar labiau išaugs. Straipsnio tikslas– išnagrinėti Lietuvoje taikomas netipinio užimtumo formas ir jų paplitimą bei išryškinti netipinio užimtumo įtaką darbuotojų darbo sąlygoms ir saugumui darbo rinkoje. Tyrimo objektas– netipinės užimtumo formos. Pirmiausia straipsnyje aptariamanetipinio užimtumosąvoka ir Lietuvoje taikomos netipinės užimtumo formos, vėliau analizuojama, kokios įtakos darbuotojų darbo sąlygoms ir saugumui darbo rinkoje turi netipinis užimtumas. Galiausiai atliekama statistinių duomenų analizė, siekiant įvertinti netipinio užimtumo paplitimą Lietuvoje. Straipsnyje taikomi mokslinės literatūros šaltinių analizės ir apibendrinimo (indukcijos, dedukcijos) metodai, lyginamoji analizė. Analizei naudojami agentūros "Eurostat", Lietuvos statistikos departamento (LSD) ir kitų Lietuvos bei užsienio institucijų statistiniai ir tyrimų duomenys. Šalyje galiojančių teisės aktų analizė parodė, kad šiuo metu Lietuvoje reglamentuotos šios netipinės užimtumo formos: darbas ne visą darbo laiką; terminuotas užimtumas; trumpalaikis, sezoninis darbas; laikinasis įdarbinimas; darbas pagal paslaugų kvitus; nuotolinis darbas; savarankiškas užimtumas ir darbas, atliekamas pagal civilines sutartis. Mokslinės literatūros šaltinių analizė parodė, kad, nepaisant to, jog netipinės užimtumo formos turi tam tikrų privalumų, didesnė dalis tyrimų rodo, kad pagal netipines užimtumo formas dirbantys darbuotojai yra kur kas mažiau saugūs darbo rinkoje nei darbuotojai, dirbantys pagal standartines darbo sutartis. Šį nesaugumą lemia dažniau patiriamas stresas dėl darbo situacijos ir menkų galimybių prognozuoti savo pajamas bei karjeros perspektyvas. Kaip vieną iš netipinių sutarčių trūkumų galima pažymėti ir tai, kad darbuotojai, dirbantys pagal netipines darbo sutartis, yra itin veikiami ekonominių svyravimų ir krizių laikotarpiais gali jaustis nesaugiai, kadangi darbdavys juos gali lengvai atleisti, nepatirdamas papildomų išlaidų (Lang, Schömann ir Clauwaert, 2013). Tai yra svarbu, kadangi ne visi pagal netipines užimtumo formas dirbantys darbuotojai socialinės rizikos atveju gali pasinaudoti socialinės apsaugos sistemos teikiama parama. Pačiomis nesaugiausiomis darbuotojo atžvilgiu yra laikomos labai netipinės sutartys – trumpalaikė terminuota sutartis, trumpalaikė ne viso darbo laiko sutartis ir darbas pagal iškvietimą. Prie nesaugiausiųjų kategorijos priskiriamas ir darbas be sutarties. Statistiniai duomenys rodo, kad Lietuvoje netipinės užimtumo formos nėra itin paplitusios. Lietuvai būdingi standartiniai darbo santykiai, kai dirbamas nuolatinis darbas visą darbo laiką. Iš visų netipinių užimtumo formų labiausiai Lietuvoje paplitęs savarankiškas užimtumas ir darbas ne visą darbo laiką. Pagal minėtas užimtumo formas Lietuvoje 2015 m. dirbo atitinkamai 11,1 proc. ir 7,6 proc. užimtųjų. Galima paminėti dvi netipinio užimtumo formas – t.y. savarankišką užimtumą ir įdarbinimą per laikinojo įdarbinimo įmones, kurios per paskutinius kelerius metus Lietuvoje plėtėsi labiausiai. Tikėtina, kad, įsigaliojus naujajam darbo kodeksui, kuriame numatyta nemažai naujų darbo sutarčių rūšių, netipinis užimtumas Lietuvoje gali išaugti. Remiantis pateikta medžiaga galima teigti, kad netipinės užimtumo formos tampa esminiu naujo lankstaus žmogiškojo kapitalo valdymo elementu ir ateityje jų vaidmuo darbo rinkoje tik didės (Elastyczne zarządzanie., 2016). Atsižvelgiant į tai, plėtojant netipinių užimtumo formų panaudojimą, darbo rinkos reguliavimo lygmeniu svarbu užtikrinti ekonominių ir socialinių rezultatų atitikimą, nes menkėjanti darbuotojų gerovė ir socialinis nesaugumas gali sumažinti darbo išteklių panaudojimo efektyvumą.
The article analyses the types of atypical forms of employment and their spread in Lithuania in the context of the European Union. A special emphasis in the article is laid on security of atypical workers in the labour market. The literature analysis carried out in the article revealed that despite certain advantages of atypical employment atypical employees are less secure in the labour market than employees in standard employment. This insecurity is determined by more frequent stresses due to work-related situations, poor visibility regarding the future level of income and career perspectives. The analysis of statistical data revealed that self-employment and part-time work are the most prevalent atypical forms of employment in Lithuania. A special mention should also be given to two atypical forms of employment – selfemployment and temporary agency work – which have grown most over the past few years in Lithuania.
The article analyses the types of atypical forms of employment and their spread in Lithuania in the context of the European Union. A special emphasis in the article is laid on security of atypical workers in the labour market. The literature analysis carried out in the article revealed that despite certain advantages of atypical employment atypical employees are less secure in the labour market than employees in standard employment. This insecurity is determined by more frequent stresses due to work-related situations, poor visibility regarding the future level of income and career perspectives. The analysis of statistical data revealed that self-employment and part-time work are the most prevalent atypical forms of employment in Lithuania. A special mention should also be given to two atypical forms of employment – selfemployment and temporary agency work – which have grown most over the past few years in Lithuania.