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Adaptation to climate change is a policy objective of rapidly growing importance for development programming across the Global South. This article offers an interrogation of the discursive politics surrounding the term based on insights from postcolonial theory. By employing a theoretical framework rooted in the concepts of imaginative geographies and discursive violence, this contribution seeks to deconstruct how adaptation is being imagined and promoted by development actors in a Global South context. The underlying study adopts a multisited, institutional ethnography to critically analyze an adaptation project in S~ao Tome and Prıncipe (STP) implemented jointly by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the national government. The article presents evidence for how agents of development (re)produce an imaginative geography of the country's vulnerability and engage in a discursive violence that renders project beneficiaries vulnerable on the one hand, and seeks to transform them into model adaptation subjects on the other. It discusses how local residents have been effectively excluded from the project based on their perceived vulnerabilities and points to critical political theory and "imaginative countergeographies" as ways in which the disempowering representations of the Global South as vulnerable and the discursive violence committed against its residents can be counteracted.

That climate change is a major disruptor of rural livelihoods in the low- and middle-income countries, including sub-Saharan Africa, has been a key narrative for the continent's development for at least a decade. And while the severity of climate impacts on African development should not be underestimated, in this paper I argue that the vulnerability of smallholders in São Tomé and Príncipe should be considered in the broader political economic and historical context of progressing depeasantisation and proletarianisation of global agricultural labour. Moreover, I posit that certain smallholders' vulnerability can actually increase as a result of both autonomous and externally planned adaptation strategies, the latter most commonly promoted by governments and their international development partners. To substantiate these arguments, the paper combines theoretical insights from labour geography and critical adaptation studies with ethnographic data collected in Liberdade – a village in the small island nation of São Tomé and Príncipe – which participated in a nationwide climate change adaptation project. I trace local smallholders' vulnerability back to the country's political economic history and complement this by an investigation of the changing labour relations at the community level. Here, I analyse the autonomous adaptation strategies pursued by the residents and critically assess the localised effects of planned adaptation embodied by the project, with a specific focus on how they affect local labour relations. I conclude by providing some reflections on addressing the current pitfalls of planned adaptation.

Over the last two decades, resilience has steadily gained traction in discussions on the theory and practice of adaptation to climate change. The concept is widely considered useful for explaining how coupled social-ecological systems (SESs) resist climate-related stressors or undergo change. At the same time, however, there has been an upswell of critique on resilience and climate-resilient development, stemming most prominently from the quarters of political ecology and human geography. This article seeks to contribute to this literature by using the analytical lens of post-politics to critically evaluate resilience and climate-resilient development in a local adaptation context. Four major critiques are lodged against resilience: (1) its inability to sufficiently recognize the large-scale political, economic, and social forces affecting and effecting change, (2) its oversight of the analyzed systems' internal dynamics, (3) the depoliticized, techno-managerial nature of resilience-centered solutions, and (4) the theoretical vagueness of resilience as applied by development actors. The paper presents a grounded critique of the term based on empirical evidence collected through a quasi-ethnography of a climate change adaptation project implemented by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the national government in São Tomé and Príncipe. It is argued that resilience, despite its theoretical attractiveness and growing popularity among donors, continues to dehumanize development and renders adaptation post-political. The article also discusses alternative, more human-centered approaches rooted in vulnerability and climate justice, which offer a more nuanced lens through which to analyze climate impacts and the associated challenges that they pose at the local level.

Since entering the global agenda in the mid-1990s, adaptation to climate change has moved from being considered a largely technical and environmental issue to one rooted in more social and economic circumstances of vulnerable populations. However, research into adaptation has been scarce in terms of analysing power and the politics that in conjunction with socio-economic factors often determine how people in local communities in the Global South respond to climate change. In light of these considerations, the aim of this paper is to contribute to the wider effort to politicize adaptation to climate change research and, as a result, democratize adaptation policy and practice. It is argued that any kind of social vulnerability to climate change is, in essence, political. Once understood as a political process, adaptation should be studied critically by interrogating the local power structures and the resulting political inequalities that determine people's ability to benefit from programmes and projects that aim to facilitate local adaptation. This is necessary if such interventions are to avoid benefitting some while leaving others, and particularly the poor and marginalized, behind. Democratization is seen as a process that must occur (1) between communities and interventions, and (2) within local communities, themselves. The paper concludes with reflections on how democratizing adaptation could function in theory and practice.

"The term 'climate justice' began to gain traction in the late 1990s following a wide range of activities by social and environmental justice movements that emerged in response to the operations of the fossil fuel industry and, later, to what their members saw as the failed global climate governance model that became so transparent at COP15 in Copenhagen. The term continues to gain momentum in discussions around sustainable development, climate change, mitigation and adaptation, and has been slowly making its way into the world of international and national policy. However, the connections between these remain unestablished. Addressing the need for a comprehensive and integrated reference compendium, The Routledge Handbook of Climate Justice provides students, academics, and professionals with a valuable insight into this fast-growing field. Drawing together a multidisciplinary range of authors from the Global North and South, this Handbook addresses some of the most salient topics in current climate justice research, including just transition, urban climate justice, and public engagement, in addition to the field's more traditional focus on gender, international governance and climate ethics. With an emphasis on facilitating learning based on cutting-edge specialised climate justice research and application, each chapter draws from the most recent sources, real-world best practices and tutored reflections on the strategic dimensions of climate justice and its related disciplines. The Routledge Handbook of Climate Justice will be essential reading for students and scholars, as well as being a vital reference tool for those practically engaged in the field"--

Climate-related risks to health, livelihoods, food security, water supply, human security, and economic growth are projected to increase with global warming of 1.5°C and increase further with 2°C (IPCC 2018). This is expected to have significant consequences for the Arctic Region including challenges related to changes in social life and livelihoods, access to food and food production, and biodiversity. At the same time climate change may present opportunities for economic growth through for example trade, tourism and industrial development. Scotland is the Arctic's closest neighbour and as such is positioned well to help address the Arctic region's challenges and to contribute to the benefits stemming from the 'opening up of the Arctic'. The Scottish Government proposes the development of The Arctic Policy in recognition of Scotland's long history of social, cultural, economic and academic ties with its northern neighbours. To help shape the Scottish Arctic Policy development process, this mapping report was conducted to provide a detailed overview of Scotland's existing links with the Arctic region from 5 perspectives: governance, socio-cultural-community, economic, environment and climate change, and academic-research and to provide insights into the opportunities for future collaborations and partnerships. A two-pronged approach was used to conduct the mapping report; a desk based review of literature and stakeholder engagement workshops. The study set out to answer the following set of questions: • What links exist between Scotland and the Arctic Region in the context of governance, socio-cultural-community issues, the economy, environment and climate change and academic-research and education? • How can critical thinking, insight and feedback by key and wider stakeholders be mobilized for the development and roll out of the Arctic Policy? • What are the gaps and opportunities for furthering the development of the Arctic Policy?

Climate change poses serious risks for rural livelihoods and food security in Rwanda. At the same time, a significant number of Rwandan farmers pool their resources together through cooperatives and Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs) in order to increase productivity. Therefore, it is important to consider on the one hand the future impacts of climate change on the microfinance sector in Rwanda, and on the other to ensure that the benefits of microfinance can decrease rural residents' vulnerability to climate impacts. This research project focuses on the clients of Urwego Bank, one of Opportunity International UK's local partners in a development project funded by the Scottish Government, with the aim to provide microcredit loans to 8,500 smallholder farmers working in government-supported agricultural cooperatives. The study specifically investigates the impacts of small loans on the vulnerability and adaptive capacity of farmers in southern and western Rwanda (Huye and Rubavu districts). The study involved field visits to the districts of Huye (Southern Province) and Rubavu (Western Province). Both regions are being increasingly affected by climate change in the form of increasing drought spells and erratic rainfall. Farmers involved in this study formed part of two distinct forms of associations: a rice cooperative (Huye field site) and VSLAs specialised in potato production (Rubavu site). Membership of these allows access to Urwego Bank loans used to procure seeds and fertiliser. A total of 28 interviews were conducted: 24 with farmers (20 cooperative/VSLA members and 4 non-members), 3 with Urwego Bank staff and one with a government agency representative. The study was supplemented by analysis of documents, including government reports and policies, and grey literature. The farmers in the study viewed loans as one of the most effective ways to increase agricultural productivity and income. Loans increase disposable incomes in the short term, allowing farmers to direct resources to other household expenses. The loans also give farmers access to higher quality seeds and fertiliser, helping them to close the 'yield gap'. Specific aspects of the Urwego Bank model, including cashless loan delivery, the timing and efficiency of loan disbursement were also valued by the farmers interviewed. Most participants had direct experience of both droughts and floods in recent years. Farmers reported a range of adverse climate impacts on their crops, which could significantly reduce harvests. These had led to food scarcity, financial difficulties - with several mentions of struggling to pay for school fees – and migration of labourers. To cope with climate impacts, participants reported to have implemented hydrological solutions (contours and water channels), changed farming practice (planting earlier, crop rotation, or climate-resilient crops), increased pesticide use, engaged in off-farm income generation or made changes to their financial management. Microloans of fertilisers were perceived to ensure at least some harvest and thus income, even in adverse conditions, which helped participants cope with climate impacts. In some instances, the seeds provided through microloans by Urwego Bank appeared to be of climate-resilient variety. Microloans were not available for other climate adaptations, such as contour digging, irrigation or pesticide application. Overall, the loans seemed to provide greater financial flexibility which helped with general expenses. However, several participants reported that paying back the loans to the cooperative was challenging after harvests had failed. The financial and 'good agricultural practice' training provided by Urwego Bank was generally perceived as helpful by the farmers and appeared to include broader farming guidance not directly related to the seed or fertilisers provided. There was however no evidence that long-term impacts of fertiliser or pesticide use on water and soil quality were considered during the training, something that is recommended in Rwandan government policies. Non-members indicated that not having access to training could be an impediment to adaptation but that they had sometimes learned from neighbours. Cooperatives and VSLAs serve both as a safety net and a catapult for their members' economic and social development by way of enhanced access to loans, training and markets. However, interviews with both members and non-members suggest that there is also the risk of reduced social mobility (involving technical, economic, social and political entry barriers that complicate access to such groups) and consequently growing socio-economic stratification, posing a serious challenge to inclusive development. Study findings do not support the theoretical effectiveness of the 'trickle-down' approach to development, whereby increasingly productive farmers will indirectly share their wealth with poorer farmers. Farmers reported that both the cooperative and VSLAs did not have any major issues with repaying loans for members who have defaulted, which protects Urwego Bank from financial loss. Farmers and Urwego Bank employees highlighted that there is an informal understanding between the Bank and its clients whereby there is a certain degree of flexibility in repayment if crops are negatively affected by changes in weather. While this certainly benefits the clients, questions remain on the financial sustainability of the Urwego Bank model if the frequency and intensity of climate events increases in the future. Farmers' feedback on how their livelihoods can be improved include changes to the purpose, scope and timing of loans, training opportunities, meteorological information, crop insurance and connections to other development partners. The research team suggest a number of recommendations centred on similar issues (loan purpose, training, and crop insurance) as well as on the financial, social and environmental sustainability of the microfinance sector, the needs of young people, partnerships, the need for large-scale investments and future research directions.