Suchergebnisse

For the last few years, the German foreign policy has been under constant
temptations and substantial reconsideration. The key role in resolving the
difficult economic and financial crises in the EU, the development of close
economic ties with the Russian and other rising world economic powers, the
decision to sustain in the UN Security Council in deciding to authorise the
use of force in Libya, as well as the dominant attitude towards the crises in
Greece and Kosovo clearly shows the wish of Germany to pursue a more
independent foreign policy. In spite of all these efforts and its huge
economic power, Germany has failed to become a global political power.
Moreover, in order to protect and develop its trade interests Germany must
remain within the frameworks of the EU and the NATO. For a long time, Germany
has been one of Serbia?s most important economic and political partners.
Since it is realistic to expect that Germany will be more oriented towards
developing its economic ties with the new world economic powers, the Western
Balkans and Serbia will not be in the focus of its foreign and economic
policies. Therefore, for Serbia, it will be useful to concentrate on the
cooperation with the mighty German provinces that have their interests in
developing this cooperation. In the future, the Kosovo issues will remain the
main obstacle to it.

Since the break-up of SFRY, one of the key factors in the development of the
Kosovo issue has been the USA. Washington will keep on playing the crucial
role in further searching for a solution for this problem. Finding of a
compromise solution will require to identify and re-examine relevant national
interests and foreign policy objectives. The continuity of American interests
in Europe since 1989 and in Serbia since 1999, respectively, points to the
fact that in the foreseeable future, Washington will not change its three
basic goals and they are as follows: NATO enlargement, consolidation of
democratic political systems and legitimisation of humanitarian
interventions. The last goal has a priority - the independent Kosovo should
contribute to the legitimisation of the principle of humanitarian
interventions. Consequently, one can conclude that during the September
session of the United Nations General Assembly Washington will endeavour to
block opening of the talks on the status of Kosovo, while it will keep on
defending the unilateral secession of Pristina as a sui generis case.
Initiating of talks between Belgrade and Pristina demands the creation of a
striking, but also a specific and feasible idea that would be acceptable for
all relevant factors in the process. The frameworks of such an idea are given
in the conclusion of the paper.