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Numerous studies have documented a gender gap in political knowledge. Men score higher than women on quiz-style survey questions testing knowledge of national-level electoral politics and the "rules of the game." Structural, situational, and psychological factors have been examined as possible explanations, but a residual gap remains after they are controlled. Two broad explanations have been advanced in the literature. First, women's differential propensity to respond "don't know" depresses their scores when correct answers to knowledge questions are tallied. Second, political knowledge questions typically focus on national-level electoral politics and the rules of the game, a focus that privileges men. This article joins these two broad explanations. Using a statewide survey of Ohio voters, it provides clear evidence that the residual gender gap in political knowledge is an artifact of measurement. Both the don't know response and a focus on national-level politics and the rules of the game favor men.

It is well established that individuals who belong to voluntary associations are more likely to participate in democratic politics. This article examines the possibility that the participation-promoting aspects of America's nonpolitical voluntary organizations are not experienced equally by all members. Not only are privileged Americans more likely to join nonpolitical voluntary organizations, but they are more likely to benefit from their membership after the point of joining. The participation-promoting benefits of membership accrue disproportionately to white, male, wealthy, and well-educated members, thus reinforcing participatory stratification. Evidence suggests that stratification results from both member and leader choices and behaviors. Adapted from the source document.

It is well established that individuals who belong to voluntary associations are more likely to participate in democratic politics. This article examines the possibility that the participation-promoting aspects of America's nonpolitical voluntary organizations are not experienced equally by all members. Not only are privileged Americans more likely to join nonpolitical voluntary organizations, but they are more likely to benefit from their membership after the point of joining. The participation-promoting benefits of membership accrue disproportionately to white, male, wealthy, and well-educated members, thus reinforcing participatory stratification. Evidence suggests that stratification results from both member and leader choices and behaviors.

Widespread adoption of the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) represents a puzzle. It cannot be described as serving the interests of any state as understood in conventional theories of international relations because it commits countries to radical social change. Yet all but six UN member states have ratified it. We argue that the case can only be explained by reference to Waltz' first image, the individual level. We invoke Giddens' notion of structuration to explain how a small group of like-minded women, many of them diplomats, were able to work within existing structures of international diplomacy to create institutions that embedded their ideals in international law. These women were critical actors, positioned simultaneously in activist organizations and government and diplomatic institutions, giving them leverage to institutionalize new norms. The case shows the importance of analysis at the individual level to explain normative change in the international system.

The press had great potential to influence perceptions of Sarah Palin during the 2008 campaign, given her relative obscurity when picked to be the Republican vice-presidential nominee. Prior literature on press treatment of women running for national office suggests that Palin was likely to receive coverage that disadvantaged her due to her gender. We scrutinize press coverage of Palin's campaign for evidence that she was treated differently and that these differences affected public opinion. Our sample of over 2,500 individual newspaper articles published during the campaign is paired with the 2008 National Annenberg Election Survey. We demonstrate that Palin's coverage differed in significant ways from that of her male counterpart. Her gender, appearance, and family status were disproportionately mentioned in her coverage, and such mentions tended to dampen public opinion about her. In addition, the tone of Palin's coverage was markedly negative, increasingly so over time, and was significantly related to reader opinion about her. While Palin was a unique candidate for national-level office, these findings should give pause to those concerned with equitable press treatment of women on the campaign trail.

AbstractPrior research in political science and other disciplines demonstrates the pedagogical and practical benefits of active learning. Less is known, however, about the extent to which active learning is used in political science classrooms. This study assesses the prioritization of active learning in "gateway" political science courses, paying specific attention to simulations, structured debates, and the case method. Nearly five hundred individual course syllabi for introductory-level political science courses are examined. Although the level of active learning prioritization is surprisingly low, the dimensions on which it varies suggest opportunities for adoption across subfields and classes of varying size.