Suchergebnisse

1. The politics of differentiation -- 2. A politics of differentiation and pedagogy -- 3. A politics of differentiation and teacher expectations -- 4. A politics of differentiation and care -- 5. A politics of differentiation and curriculum -- 6. A politics of differentiation and culture -- 7. A politics of differentiation towards social justice.

While many commentators see neoliberalism as a monolithic force changing universities into businesses, in reality its shared veneer of rhetorical vocabulary obscures profound and irresolvable practical contradictions – contradictions that make university life impossible, even in "business" terms.

The principal legacy ofEvans‐Pritchard's 1937 ethnographyWitchcraft, oracles and magic among theAzandehas been to associate debates over the rationality of witchcraft with its social categorization as a facet of misfortune and enmity. In combination withEvans‐Pritchard's own scepticism regarding witches, this allowed the rationality debate to isolate witchcraft as a distinctive special case. This logical exceptionalism was at odds withEvans‐Pritchard's own assertion of witchcraft's ordinariness, and is not supported by comparable ethnography from theLadakh region of theHimalayas or by the unabridged versions ofOracles, both of which point towards an indigenous understanding of witchcraft as one variation on a spectrum of everyday action and craft. Instead, a revised reading ofOraclessuggests that even the most basic quotidian representations of personal agency raise larger questions as to anthropology's understanding of how humans ascribe action and personhood, a debate which stands at the heart of its status as a science.

Over the last twenty years, Tibetan protest against Chinese rule has transformed markedly, shifting in particular from the monastic protests by inmates of the great monasteries of Lhasa and Central Tibet to popular protest throughout the region and in particular throughout the Eastern Tibetan regions of Kham and Amdo, outside what is administratively called the Tibetan Autonomous Region. In the last three years in particular, the wide-scale protests and riots of Spring 2008 have been followed by a growing lineage of personal self-immolations, increasingly attended by the writing of personal testaments, the moral authority of which is gaining rapid ground both in Tibetan regions and amongst Tibetan exiles in India. These testaments call both for Tibetan independence and the return of the Dalai Lama, and for Tibetans across the region to come together in patriotic unity. Self-immolation is very much a novelty in Tibet, and it's place in the established post-1970s discourse of non-violence set up in exile by the Dalai Lama has led it to have a powerfully contested quality, with the Tibetan Government-in-Exile discouraging its use as 'extreme' (especially when carried out in democratic states like India, where several have also occurred) while celebrating the heroism of self-immolators themselves; by contrast, groups such as the Tibetan Youth Congress argue for the universal applicability of such protests because of a world political order, whether democratic or not, that colludes in the destruction of Tibetan culture and language within Tibet. This presentation for the South Asian Anthropologist's Group's 2012 workshop in Edinburgh is primarily an augmented briefing paper written for the Scottish Parliament's Cross Party Group on Tibet in summer 2012, which describes for parliamentarians the basic features of the self-immolations as described above. It also has a short introduction discussing particular aspects of the process by which such papers get written, and the kinds of argument and discussion that get left out.

This article challenges two connected notions in the study of Tibetan Buddhism: that Buddhist monasticism is characterized by a pronounced move towards individualism, systematically detaching monks from relational social life; and that Tibetan Buddhist doctrines of karma represent an alternative mode of identity to those constructed within household life. By comparing the ritual practices and inheritance patterns associated with household groups in Ladakh with tantric ritual forms in local Buddhist (Gelukpa) monasteries, it is argued that they demonstrate pronounced structural similarities, centred on the shared symbolic construct of the household/temple as the source of socialized agency. An analysis of the meditative disciplines of Gelukpa monasticism is used to show how such training serves not to renounce kinship and household values, but to transform them into modes of religious authority, essential to the social position of monks (trapa) and incarnate lamas (tulku) in Tibetan Buddhism.

Cover; Half Title; Title Page; Copyright Page; Table of Contents; Acknowledgments; 1. English schooling, social justice and neoliberalism; English schooling; Social justice; Neoliberalism; Social justice and neoliberalism; The research; Organisation of the book; Conclusion; Note; References; 2. School autonomy, school accountability and social justice in English education; A dis-embedding of the market: school 'autonomy' and social justice; A re-embedding of the market: school 'accountability' and social justice; Conclusion; References

Recent educational reforms in England have sought to reshape public education in England by extending central government control of curriculum and assessment, while replacing local government control of schools with a quasi-private system of academies and multi academy trusts. In this paper, we resist reading this as the latest iteration of the debate between 'traditional' and 'progressive' education. Instead, we note how, despite the mobilisation of the rhetoric of the public and public education, schooling in England has never been public in any deeply meaningful sense. We develop a genealogical reading of public education in England, in which ideas of British universalism – 'the public' – and inequality and exclusion in education and society have not been opposed but have gone hand-in-hand. This raises the question whether it is possible to envisage and enact another form of collective – one that is based on action rather than fantasy and that is co-authored by, comprised of, and exists for, the people. The final part of this paper seeks to grapple with this challenge, in the context of past, present and future potential developments in education, and to consider possibilities for the imaginary reconstitution of public education in England in the twenty-first century.

<p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 24pt 36pt;"><span style="color: #131413; font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">This paper is concerned with "what works" in alternative schools, also known as flexible learning centres, in the state of Queensland, Australia. Generally, young people who find their way to an alternative educational provider have left school early due to difficult personal circumstances or significant clashes with schooling authorities and their associated disciplinary requirements. This research at eight case-study alternative schools shows that their students were reconnecting to educational futures because of policies and practices that were quite different from those of mainstream schools. By reimagining their relational, pedagogical, curricular, and pastoral work, many of these alternative schools and centres have created learning environments that cater to the holistic needs of young people, particularly those on the margins of societies. It is our contention that mainstream schools might use ideas from this growing alternative educational sector to inform their practices positively and thus retain many of their most vulnerable students.</span></p>