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This paper studies evidence-based aid allocations in global health with the aim to identify lessons learned for Germany as a donor for bilateral and multilateral aid programmes. At the same time, it contributes to the conceptualisation of evidence-based aid by defining two types of evidence, practical and scientific, where the former makes use of discretionary information to support the financing of aid projects, while the latter relies on the evidence from rigorous (scientific) research. This desk-study combined with interviews shows that practical evidence is commonly used in health aid allocations, while scientific evidence is used mainly at The Global Fund and is included in World Health Organization guidelines for health policies worldwide. Furthermore, benefits of and barriers to scientific evidence-based allocation are discussed, while recommendations are provided with the aim of developing a scientific, evidence-based aid approach for a bilateral donor in health aid.

Political misalignment and greater ideological distance between donor and recipient governments may render foreign aid less effective by adding to transaction costs and eroding trust. In addition, development aid from the West may lead to adverse growth effects in the global South due to the neglected cultural differences between development aid (paradigm) providers and recipients. Nevertheless, donors could improve the effectiveness of foreign aid by pursuing complementary and coherent non-aid policies for freer movement of human capital, i.e., temporary worker mobility and migration. These three hypotheses are tested empirically in augmented aid-growth models, first, by considering the political ideology of both governments along the left-right spectrum, second, by using donor-recipient genetic distance, i.e., differences in blood type frequencies, to capture the traditional way of cultural transmission and also western education of recipient country leaders to capture resource-based transmission of culture. Third, overall remittances send from the donor countries are used as proxy for worker mobility and migration. Results based on the OLS panel estimation in first differences and lagged aid, a strategy suggested by Clemens et al. (2012), indicate that (a) aid tends to be less effective when political ideology differs between the donor and the recipient, (b) larger cultural distance between donors and recipient reduces the effect of aid on growth to negligible levels, while aid yields positive long-run effect on growth in the presence of western educated leaders in the recipient countries, and, last but not least, (c) larger remittances sent from donor countries strengthen the growth effects of foreign aid in the recipient countries. Overall, the findings of this dissertation suggest that aid effectiveness can be enhanced when development strategies are designed and delivered with an adjustment for political and cultural differences between donors and recipients, and when donors implement complimentary non-aid policies for the freer movement of people, i.e., human capital.

Political misalignment and greater ideological distance between donor and recipient governments may render foreign aid less effective by adding to transaction costs and eroding trust. In addition, development aid from the West may lead to adverse growth effects in the global South due to the neglected cultural differences between development aid (paradigm) providers and recipients. Nevertheless, donors could improve the effectiveness of foreign aid by pursuing complementary and coherent non-aid policies for freer movement of human capital, i.e., temporary worker mobility and migration. Thes...

Political misalignment and greater ideological distance between donor and recipient governments may render foreign aid less effective by adding to transaction costs and eroding trust. In addition, development aid from the West may lead to adverse growth effects in the global South due to the neglected cultural differences between development aid (paradigm) providers and recipients. Nevertheless, donors could improve the effectiveness of foreign aid by pursuing complementary and coherent non-aid policies for freer movement of human capital, i.e., temporary worker mobility and migration. These three hypotheses are tested empirically in augmented aid-growth models, first, by considering the political ideology of both governments along the left-right spectrum, second, by using donor-recipient genetic distance, i.e., differences in blood type frequencies, to capture the traditional way of cultural transmission and also western education of recipient country leaders to capture resource-based transmission of culture. Third, overall remittances send from the donor countries are used as proxy for worker mobility and migration. Results based on the OLS panel estimation in first differences and lagged aid, a strategy suggested by Clemens et al. (2012), indicate that (a) aid tends to be less effective when political ideology differs between the donor and the recipient, (b) larger cultural distance between donors and recipient reduces the effect of aid on growth to negligible levels, while aid yields positive long-run effect on growth in the presence of western educated leaders in the recipient countries, and, last but not least, (c) larger remittances sent from donor countries strengthen the growth effects of foreign aid in the recipient countries. Overall, the findings of this dissertation suggest that aid effectiveness can be enhanced when development strategies are designed and delivered with an adjustment for political and cultural differences between donors and recipients, and when donors implement complimentary non-aid policies for the freer movement of people, i.e., human capital.

Political proximity between donor and recipient governments may impair the effectiveness of aid by encouraging favoritism. By contrast, political misalignment between donor and recipient governments may render aid less effective by adding to transaction costs and giving rise to incentive problems. We test these competing hypotheses empirically by considering the political ideology of both governments along the left-right spectrum in augmented models on the economic growth effects of aid. Following the estimation approach of Clemens et al. (2012), we find that aid tends to be less effective when political ideology differs between the donor and the recipient.

The article presents the analysis of the authors of the constitutional acts of the European states with a bicameral parliament with the aim of establishing some typical forms of interaction between the houses of parliament. The study has shown that the joint sessions (on the oath of the head of state, the presidential elections, the decision to declare war, the granting of pardon); formation of permanent and temporary commissions and commissions; The formation of the superior bodies of state power or the appointment of officials serve as typical forms of interaction between the houses of parliament. Within the legislative sphere, such typical forms of interaction between the houses of parliament are disclosed as the passage of the bill in both houses in an identical version and "tacit consent". It is concluded that the typical forms of interaction between the parliamentary chambers of the European states reflect their sovereign but established approaches, elaborated by doctrine and tested by practice. ; El artículo presenta el análisis de los autores de los actos constitucionales de los estados europeos con un parlamento bicameral con el objetivo de fijar algunas formas típicas de interacción entre las cámaras del parlamento. El estudio ha demostrado que las sesiones conjuntas (sobre el juramento del jefe de estado, las elecciones presidenciales, la decisión de declarar la guerra, el otorgamiento del indulto); formación de comisiones y comisiones permanentes y temporales; La formación de los cuerpos superiores del poder estatal o el nombramiento de funcionarios sirven como formas típicas de interacción entre las cámaras del parlamento. Dentro de la esfera legislativa, se divulgan tales formas típicas de interacción entre las cámaras del parlamento como la aprobación del proyecto de ley en ambas cámaras en una versión idéntica y "consentimiento tácito". Se concluye que las formas típicas de interacción entre las cámaras parlamentarias de los estados europeos reflejan sus enfoques soberanos pero establecidos, elaborados por la doctrina y probados por la práctica ; O artigo apresenta a análise dos autores dos atos constitucionais dos estados europeus com um parlamento bicameral com o objetivo de estabelecer algumas formas típicas de interação entre as câmaras do parlamento. O estudo mostrou que as sessões conjuntas (nojuramento do chefe de Estado, as eleições presidenciais, a decisão de declarar guerra, a concessão de indulto); formação de comissões permanentes e temporárias e comissões; A formação dos órgãos superiores do poder do Estado ou a nomeação de funcionários servem como formas típicas de interação entre as câmaras do parlamento. Dentro da esfera legislativa, tais formas típicas de interação entre as casas do parlamento são divulgadas como a aprovação do projeto de lei em ambas as casas em uma versão idêntica e "consentimento tácito". Conclui-se que as formas típicas de interação entre as câmaras parlamentares dos Estados europeus refletem suas abordagens soberanas, mas estabelecidas, elaboradas por doutrina e comprovadas pela prática.

The article presents the author's analysis of the constitutional acts of the countries of the post-Soviet space in order to consolidate in them the catalog of powers of parliaments in the field of state security. The study revealed two constitutional approaches reflecting the catalog of powers of parliaments in ensuring the security of the state: the parliament acts as a body with the prerogative of introducing exclusive regimes in the state, declaring war and concluding peace; the parliament acts as a body that legalizes decrees of the head of state or government on security issues. ; El artículo presenta el análisis del autor de los actos constitucionales de los países del espacio postsoviético para consolidar en ellos el catálogo de poderes de los parlamentos en el campo de la seguridad del estado. El estudio reveló dos enfoques constitucionales que reflejan el catálogo de poderes de los parlamentos para garantizar la seguridad del estado: el actúa como un órgano con la prerrogativa de introducir regímenes exclusivos en el estado, declarar la guerra y concluir la paz; el parlamento actúa como un organismo que legaliza los decretos del jefe de estado o gobierno sobre cuestiones de seguridad.

The article presents the author's analysis of the constitutional acts of the countries of the post-Soviet space in order to consolidate in them the catalog of powers of parliaments in the field of state security. The study revealed two constitutional approaches reflecting the catalog of powers of parliaments in ensuring the security of the state: the parliament acts as a body with the prerogative of introducing exclusive regimes in the state, declaring war and concluding peace; the parliament acts as a body that legalizes decrees of the head of state or government on security issues. ; El artículo presenta el análisis del autor de los actos constitucionales de los países del espacio postsoviético para consolidar en ellos el catálogo de poderes de los parlamentos en el campo de la seguridad del estado. El estudio reveló dos enfoques constitucionales que reflejan el catálogo de poderes de los parlamentos para garantizar la seguridad del estado: el actúa como un órgano con la prerrogativa de introducir regímenes exclusivos en el estado, declarar la guerra y concluir la paz; el parlamento actúa como un organismo que legaliza los decretos del jefe de estado o gobierno sobre cuestiones de seguridad.