Suchergebnisse

L'utilisation par Vladimir Poutine d'une mémoire historique travestie pour justifier son agression contre l'Ukraine nous rappelle l'importance des sédiments mémoriels dans la construction des perceptions populaires et des stratégies politiques. Ces interprétations mémorielles évoluent avec les chocs historiques, comme en témoigne l'histoire européenne depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale et après la chute du mur de Berlin. Elle montre la nécessité de conceptualiser plus finement les études mémorielles.

Le système mis en place en Pologne par le le parti Droit et Justice (PiS) et la coalition qui le soutient s'appuie sur une communauté émotionnelle autour d'un dirigeant charismatique, et sur des décisions favorisant des classes populaires délaissées par la transition libérale. Le projet autocratique est porteur d'atteintes multiples à l'état de droit. Une certaine « fatigue » pourrait pourtant se manifester aux prochaines élections, confirmant les dernières mobilisations de rue, portées en particulier par la jeunesse.

Post-Communist Europe has not chosen to imitate the Truth and Justice or Truth and Reconciliation Commissions set up on several other continents. The notion of reconciliation with the Communist regime is not of much interest to certain political parties, many of which are rooted in the protest against the compromises that were part of the negotiated revolutions. The model admired by post-Communist countries was the one conceived by the Germans. Almost all the countries founded specific institutions – institutes – for managing memory, with archives located in these institutes. Some have archives that date from before World War II to 1990; they handle both totalitarianisms. What is feared is that through the game of partisan appointments, these institutes will become little more than instruments in less than honest hands for use in political contests. This is especially likely given that the Polish Institute of National Memory (IPN) employees perform several functions: classification, prosecution, and evaluating individual applicants to certain administrative positions. The specialized literature usually explains the trials and tribulations of Poland's IPN in terms of the personalities of its different directors and the period in which each occupied that post. In this paper, we have verified this hypothesis.

The model of society put forward by Marxist theoreticians as descriptive of a post-revolutionary society had a quasi-constitutional status in countries that claimed to adhere to Soviet-type socialism, particularly those of Eastern Europe. As the model's main function was to legitimise the actions of those who wielded power, it acquired doctrinal significance. In the Eastern European countries, the history of the sociology of social structure and stratification clearly illustrates the conservative nature of official doctrine. However, the real mechanisms of society, in so far as they deviated from the official paradigm, upset doctrinal stability and may consequently have led, if not to a revision of the official dogmas, then to the acceptance of a certain degree of flexibility. In order to understand the development of the theoretical analysis of social stratification and social inequalities (the most sensitive area of debate) in totalitarian and post-totalitarian Soviet type societies, it must be noted that post-war sociology has reflected a continuing effort by sociologists to create an independent scientific framework for their discipline. This is why we try, in this article, to combine evaluating the attitudes of different Eastern European sociologists from across the political spectrum with the evolution and adaptation of their theoretical approaches and creativity.

En 2010, le virage autoritaire de la Hongrie a pu être perçu comme une parenthèse qui allait se refermer rapidement. En réalité, le modèle de « démocratie illibérale » instauré par Viktor Orban a fait des émules. Le Polonais Jaroslav Kaczynski s'en inspire ouvertement. Il estime qu'en deux mandats, il pourra faire table rase de la III e République et ancrer son nouveau modèle. Face à ce tournant autoritaire, les sociétés civiles tentent de se mobiliser.