In: Sociology of race and ethnicity: the journal of the Racial and Ethnic Minorities Section of the American Sociological Association, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 296-297
When studying Black politics, Brazil is an important country to consider because of its large Afro-descended population, its history of slavery, and persistent racial and economic inequality. In this article, I examine the role perceptions of racial discrimination play on the economic well-being of the Black Afro-Brazilian population. I test the hypothesis that, as Afro-Brazilians' perceptions of racial discrimination increase, the more likely it is they will hold a pessimistic view of their economic situation. I rely on 2010 national data to conduct an ordered logit regression analysis which shows that Black and Brown Brazilians who have experienced racial discrimination are more likely to be pessimistic about their economic situation when compared with Blacks and Browns who have not experienced racial discrimination. In addition, ordered logit regression analysis demonstrates that respondents who admit experiencing racial discrimination are more likely to be women, identify as preto, and have more education.
"In the late 1980s and early 1990s, US policymakers racialized poor Black women as "welfare queens" who did not deserve but also exploited social welfare. During recent local and national political campaigns in Brazil and the United States-specifically the 2020 elections in both countries-politicians, journalists, and activists discussed the importance of Black women voters as a voting bloc yet rarely specifically discussed poor Black women. The elision of poor Black women constitutes a longstanding tradition in both countries, two of the world's largest countries with slaveholding pasts. When poor Black women are made visible, they appear as crude, reductive stereotypes. In The Politics of Survival, Gladys Mitchell-Walthour brings Black women social welfare beneficiaries into current political conversations whose policy outcomes will affect their lives. The book considers the following questions: How do these Black women act as political subjects through the politics of survival in former slaveholding countries that make survival difficult? How do they engage in formal politics such as voting? Beyond voting, what are their opinions of social welfare policies and political candidates? How do they negotiate societal perceptions of social welfare beneficiaries? Moreover, given their marginalized positions as low-income Afro-descendant women, how do they perceive racial, gender, and class discrimination? Mitchell-Walthour considers the simultaneous impact of institutional racism, sexism, and classism on women who often live in households with dependent children and elderly parents, while also being unemployed or underemployed. She critiques neoliberal paternalism as a solution and intervenes by considering the social locations, opinions, and lives of poor Black women in order to demonstrate how they have to survive, providing a bottom up perspective"--
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Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Afro-Brazilian political underrepresentation -- Blackness and racial identification in contemporary Brazil -- Negro group attachment in Brazil -- Negro linked fate and racial policies -- Afro-descendant perceptions of discrimination and support for affirmative action -- Conclusion: the racialization of political events
Chapter 1: The Race and Democracy Project and Black Lives Matter: Continuities in Racism, Cross-National Resistance and Mobilization in the Americas -- Chapter 2: Racial Politics: Central Themes in Academic Production in the Social Sciences in Brazil (2012-2019) -- Chapter 3: Sophisticated Violence Against Blacks in the Time of Affirmative Action: Previsions of Violent Racial Conflict or Academic Terror? -- Chapter 4: Covid-19 and Necropolitics: The Absence of Intersectionality (Race and Gender) in Data on the Pandemic in Brazil- Chapter 5: The Diversity of Representation: Gender, Race and Ethnicity in the 2020 Brazilian municipal elections -- Chapter 6: The New Bahian Enigma: Why Hasn't Black Rome Ever Elected a Black Mayor? A Case Study of the Campaigns of Edvaldo Brito and Mário Kertész in the 1985 Municipal Elections -- Chapter 7: The Electoral Political Participation of the Afro-Colombian, Black, Raizal, and Palenquera Population and the Construction of a Different Political Culture in Colombia -- Chapter 8: The Black Movement and Institutional Activism in Colômbia (1991-2018) -- Chapter 9: Afroperuvian Citizenship: An Unfulfilled Promise after 200 years of Republican Independence -- Chapter 10: Affirmative Action for Afro Descendants in the Uruguayan Parliament -- Chapter 11: The Construction of Racial Equality Policy at the Municipal Level in Brazil -- Chapter 12: Between Business, Solidarity mobilization and Political Participation: Ethnic Entrepreneurship in the New Black Diaspora in São Paulo -- Chapter 13 Decolonial Antiracist Feminist Digital Activism: Naming Carolina Maria de Jesus, Lélia González and Marielle Franco on Twitter -- Chapter 13: Decolonial Antiracist Feminist Digital Activism: Naming Carolina Maria de Jesus, Lélia González and Marielle Franco on Twitter -- Chapter 14: Alternative Black Media during Repression: Black Brazilian YouTubers Fight for Social Justice during the Far-Right Era -- Chapter 15: Palenqueras and Quilombolas: Black Femininities, Work and Conviviality -- Chapter 16: Who Are the Black Revolutionaries? Resistance in Cuba and the State Boundaries that Endure. Chapter 17: Conclusion.
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Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext: