Suchergebnisse

Jedanaestoro mrtvih, preko četiri hiljade lakše i više od stotinu teško povređenih (od čega sedamnaest izbijenog oka i četiri pokidane ruke): ovo je dosadašnji crni bilans represije nad "Žutim prslucima". Francuska ne pamti ovako dramatičnu društveno-političku situaciju – izazvanu unutrašnjim rascepima – još od ubistva alžirskih studenata 1961. Čak je i Evropski parlament, 14. februara 2019. godine, osudio nesrazmernu upotrebu sile i korišćenje, u ostatku Evrope inače zabranjenih, GLI-F4 granata za razbijanje demonstracija, dok je UN, kada je reč o policijskom nasilju, Francusku svrstao u isti rang sa Sudanom i Zimbabveom. O situaciji u zemlji najslikovitije možda govori izvođenje vojske na ulice tokom tzv. akta XIX "Žutih prsluka", u subotu 23. marta 2019. godine. Ovaj rad nudi odgovore na nekoliko pitanja: Da li je ovaj specifičan pokret moguće tumačiti u svetlu novih klasnih rascepa u Francuskoj, i na koji se on način uklapa u Marksov koncept klasne borbe? Koje su socijalne grupe koje čine njegovo jezgro i po čemu se one razlikuju od tradicionalnih klasa? U kojim socijalnim grupama nalazimo najveću podršku metodama borbe ovog pokreta? Koje su njegova ključna svojstva i po čemu se razlikuje u odnosu na prethodne socijalne pokrete u Francuskoj, kao i, generalno, savremene društvene pokrete u Evropi? Kakva je politička artikulacija i politički potencijal "Žutih prsluka"?

The author is deconstructing the logics and the consequences of 'structural adaptation' to the laws of the market and profit in Serbia from the 1960s until today. The paper consists of three systematic parts. The first one is a description of the period from 1965 to 1991. It is shown that the roots of capitalist restoration can be found in economical reforms undertaken within nominal socialism, which opened the way for a more free action of the market mechanisms. The second part of the paper is dedicated to the so-called 'Milosevic period' (1991 - 2001) during which, under the auspices of degenerated political capitalism and in a blocked context, the process of structural adaptation continues, in favour of the continuative nomenclature of the former collective owners, or the new class of lumpenbourgeoisie information. The third part is an analysis of the neoliberal period after the 'democratic' changes in 2001 and the character of its own comprador political capitalism, which enters the final phase of the structural adaptation and redistribution of wealth towards the higher classes. Based on the results of the analysis, the author concludes that the process of a decade of destruction of Serbian society was conditioned by an agenda, i.e. it was conditioned by class interests. Adapted from the source document.

In the article, the author deals with the political and social influences of
the relationship between the state and religious communities in France. The
first part of the paper is an analysis of historical context and the
construction (evolution) of laicism in France through its local
characteristics, values and social strengths, contributing to its formation.
The fact that Catholic Church was one of the main legitimizing pillars of
?the old regime?, permanently determined the relationship between church and
state, most importantly - it?s subsequent social exclusion under the
Republic. The 1789 French revolution in conjunction with the 1905 law on the
Separation of church and state, up until present time, have been seen as the
most important events in defining the relationship between political and
religious entities in France. The second part of the paper continues in
outlining the founding logic and principles of the contemporary relationship
between religious communities and the French state. The article concludes in
suggesting that through its persistence of a purely Laicistic model of
state-church affiliation, view of the nation as a community of citizens,
Weberian definition of the State, and the acceptance of the public sphere as
common space in which communal interests are negated, France today represents
an isolated island on the European continent.

This article examines the evolution of socialism as a political ideology,
from its primitive origins in past societies to its contemporary
incarnations. It opens with an overview of the foundational and universal
principles of socialism concerning equality and common welfare, which can be
established as the historical vertical of socialism from its inception to
the present. The focus then shifts to the Industrial Revolution, with
special emphasis on the significant contributions of Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels, who envisioned a classless society as a product of revolutionary
engagement. The 20th century, marked by key events such as the Russian
Revolution and the Cold War, witnessed the practical implementation of two
versions of socialism: a hybrid one existing as ?real-socialism?, a
competitive project to Western capitalism, and the other - also hybrid but
in a different way - existing within Western capitalism, as part of a
concession to dominated classes, in the form of the ?welfare state.? As a
result of the global strength and desirability of the socialist project,
this period was marked by many social and civilizational achievements, in
both the West and the East, but also confronted with challenges of
authoritarianism, economic crises, and democratic dysfunctionality. On the
other hand, by the end of the 20th century, the socialist project - with the
fall of the USSR - experienced a complete delegitimization in the West,
while in China it was maintained in a perverted form. At the beginning of
the 21st century, growing dissatisfaction with economic inequalities and
political disillusionment, especially after the financial crisis of
2007/2008, reignited interest in an alternative socialist model,
particularly in something vaguely and theoretically underdeveloped called
?democratic socialism.? The authors in the text argue that this renewed
interest should be transformed into a theoretically and
strategic-politically fruitful maneuver, constructing a new, radically
democratic socialist project as the only project that emerges as a
sustainable alternative to today?s socio-economic-ecological challenges.

The key idea of this article is to present a case study of reporting of newspaper BH Dani that were battling the dominant ethno-nationalist style of reporting. Methodologically speaking, this project uses content analysis and the process of developing and grouping the ideas is very important. War in Bosnia is the societal and political context of this research. A number of key authors that theorized the idea of propaganda and media influence on thinking and attitudes as well as persuasion is introduced to the reader in the first part of the article. The case study goes on to show how articles in BH Dani explored cases of intolerance of Bosnian government and war forces, their war atrocities and displayed writings where the war situation is presented objectively. The article is then concluded with the recapitulation of key ideas and also its contribution to knowledge is discussed.

International audience ; This paper is the product of a roundtable discussion held at the international conference Horizons of Engagement: Eternalizing Bourdieu, organized by the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory of Belgrade, Serbia, the Centre for Advanced Studies of The University of Rijeka, Croatia, the ?cole Normale Sup?rieure of Paris, France, and the French Institute in Serbia. The event was planned on the occasion of the ninetieth anniversary of the birth of one of the world?s leading sociologists - Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002). The greatest indicator of the scope of Bourdieu?s influence is the fact that he has become the world?s most cited sociologist, ahead of ?mile Durkheim, and the world?s second most cited author in social sciences and the humanities, after Michel Foucault and ahead of Jacques Derrida. As part of this discussion, we address the subject of ?Bourdieu and Politics?, politics - broadly constructed. We evoke Pierre Bourdieu?s involvement in public affairs during the 1990s, while taking into account the concept of the collective intellectual that Bourdieu introduced into social sciences by giving it a specific meaning.

This paper is the product of a roundtable discussion held at the
international conference Horizons of Engagement: Eternalizing Bourdieu,
organized by the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory of Belgrade,
Serbia, the Centre for Advanced Studies of The University of Rijeka,
Croatia, the ?cole Normale Sup?rieure of Paris, France, and the French
Institute in Serbia. The event was planned on the occasion of the ninetieth
anniversary of the birth of one of the world?s leading sociologists - Pierre
Bourdieu (1930-2002). The greatest indicator of the scope of Bourdieu?s
influence is the fact that he has become the world?s most cited sociologist,
ahead of ?mile Durkheim, and the world?s second most cited author in social
sciences and the humanities, after Michel Foucault and ahead of Jacques
Derrida. As part of this discussion, we address the subject of ?Bourdieu and
Politics?, politics - broadly constructed. We evoke Pierre Bourdieu?s
involvement in public affairs during the 1990s, while taking into account
the concept of the collective intellectual that Bourdieu introduced into
social sciences by giving it a specific meaning.