In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 21, Heft 7, S. 1654-1656
In the US House, the Suspension of the Rules procedure provides a route by which vote buying may occur. To investigate the conditions under which partisan theories anticipate that this behavior is more likely to happen, I use a dataset of all bills on which a final passage vote was taken in the House between 1975 and 2010. The House is more likely to consider bills by suspension to provide side payments to three types of bill sponsors from the majority party: ideologically distant members of this group; members whose preferences are located within the first 30% of the space in the majority party blockout zone; and members whose preferences are located on the minority party side of the chamber median.
Introduction: why young adult political expression deserves a fresh look -- Part I. Posting, protesting, and civic engagement: causes and movements that mobilized -- The MeToo movement: how an online social movement sparked civic engagement -- Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett: how controversial Supreme Court nominations provided opportunities to get involved -- School shootings: how gun violence encouraged civic involvement -- Immigration and family separation: when political expression fails to expand participation -- Black Lives Matter: how a surging movement engaged young people in -- Part II. Moving from the outside in: the link between posting and protesting and contacting elected officials -- Messages received? Examining the link between young adults posting political views online and sharing views with elected officials -- Discontent heard? Examining the link between young adults engaging in protests and sharing views with elected officials -- Conclusion: assessing young adult political power.
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Web 2.0 and the Political Mobilization of College Students investigates young adults' political participation by looking at their online activities and the ways in which these forums help mobilize young adults to participate in their political system online and offline.
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A growing body of research suggests a positive connection between climate change and crime, but few studies have explored the seasonal nature of that link. Here, we examine how the impact of climate change on crime may partly depend on specific times of the year as recent climatological research suggests that climate change may have a diverging impact during different times of the year. To do so, we utilize the largest, most current dataset of all main categories of reported crime by month and year in the United States—the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) Uniform Crime Reports. We employ historical weather data collected by the Global Historical Climatology Network to measure climate change, and develop a procedure that weighs and connects these data to individual crime reporting agencies. We discover not only a positive association between climate change and crime but also substantial monthly variation in this association.
While college students traditionally exhibit low levels of political participation and interest in politics, they are more likely to engage in some forms of political expression than their elders. Their greater familiarity with online forms of political expression and engagement potentially lowers their barriers for political involvement. In turn, this potentially draws more young adults into the political process. The authors compare the precursors of expressive forms of online political engagement to those of talking to someone off-line and trying to persuade them to vote for or against a candidate or party among college students. They find that both activities are positively connected with politically oriented activity on social media as well as the frequency with which one reads blogs. They also discover that the mechanisms that explain online political expression are both similar to and different from those that explain off-line attempts at persuasion in several key ways.
We investigated why a legislator would be willing to vote "yea" on final passage of a bill but would choose not to cosponsor that bill. We tested a series of hypotheses regarding the cosponsorship decisions of individual senators, using a dataset that includes every major initiative that was introduced and received a floor vote in the Senate between 1975 and 2000. We found that senators are more likely to cosponsor bills when their preferences diverge from the Senate median but are closer to those of the bill's sponsor. Also, senators are more likely to cosponsor bills when they sponsor a higher number of bills overall, when they become more connected with colleagues, and when their constituents increase demand for legislation within particular policy areas. Senators are less likely to cosponsor bills if they received a higher percentage of the general election vote in their most recent election.
ObjectiveWe investigate whether the Iraq War might be a catalyzing event for this generation, like Vietnam was for baby boomers or World War II for the "greatest generation," through testing how opinions about the war influence patterns of political participation.MethodsUsing data from an Internet‐based survey of randomly sampled college students at a midwestern state university and the 2008 National Election Studies, we investigate the relationship between disapproval of Bush's handling of the Iraq War and a variety of forms of political participation, including two that are new in this generation: "friending" or joining an online political group or expressing one's political views online.ResultsWe discover that young voters who expressed opposition to Bush's handling of the war in Iraq are more likely to be civically engaged.ConclusionWhile it is too early to determine how long the effect will last or how it will change over the course of young voters' life cycles, at least in the short term, it appears opposition to the Iraq War has catalyzed greater levels of political participation.
College students politically participate through traditional mechanisms at lower rates than their elders. Yet, members of this group may participate by other means, like friending candidates and joining political groups through social networking websites. We argue that these online activities serve as a meaningful form of civic engagement by broadening who participates and encouraging other forms of participation. Using a survey of randomly chosen undergraduates at a large Midwestern university, we discover that important distinctions exist between those who friend or join these online social networks and those who participate in more traditional off-line political activities. While interest in politics is a precursor to off-line engagement, it does not predict friending or joining an online social network that is political in nature. However, friending candidates or joining such networks appears to mobilize college students to engage in other forms of political participation.
Popular and scholarly accounts argue that signing statements are important tools for presidents to shape the implementation of policy. Although signing statements might be important presidential tools, the legislative branch stands in the most immediate and direct competition with the executive for ultimate control of the bureaucracy. In this article, we assess whether congressional committees react to presidential signing statements with increased oversight. Using a data set that includes every oversight hearing held by the U.S. House between 1995 and 2007, we find evidence that congressional committees are sensitive to the number of objections raised by presidents in signing statements. As the president uses signing statements to object to a larger number of provisions in laws, the affected House committees respond with more oversight.