Suchergebnisse

This article overviews the push/pull factors of citizens' participation in Nigerian politics. Citizens' participation in state politics is both integral and an indispensable part of every political system and development. However, it is determined by numerous factors which are universal, but relative in terms of contexts. Such a participation is affected by many factors in Nigeria. The study uses secondary sources to collect data and perform qualitative analysis. The study is timely and significant in view of the critical roles where participation plays in shaping and influencing Nigerian politics, especially at the current moment when it is being characterized by apathy and participation on two ends. It is concentrated on an atmosphere of push and pull forces, negative and positive issues and developments, this environment is manipulated by elites/politicians. This needs a change for the better, to inculcate hope, overcome despair, anxiety as well as increased ethno-religious and electoral tensions.

Conducting decennial population and housing census has, especially in developing states, remained the main source of quality demographic data. In Nigeria, National Population and Housing Censuses conducted in her history have not only been significant, but also problematic, sensitive, expensive, controversial exercises, yet very crucial source of statistical data for socio-economic, political and sustainable development. However, sustainable development cannot be achieved with mere census figures unless they are reliable for planning and implementation, as no matter how abundant human and material resources may be available and committed to such, sustainable development will only be a mirage without reliable statistics and plans. The earlier scheduled 2016 Population and Housing Census has been shifted to the year 2018 and this article explored the stake issues before the 2018 census exercise. There are for the 2018 census exercise, major issues/challenges of unity and cohesion of Nigerian state due to threats of renewed militancy in the Niger Delta; renewed agitations for re-structuring Nigerian state by the East and West parts of the country; issues of large nimber of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDP's), especially within the North-East (Boko Haram) and North Central (Fulani/herdsmen-farmers conflict), and accessibility to many of those areas; feasibility of conducting it within the year (2018); proper and timely sourcing of funding, proper management/administration of ethno-religious issues of sensitive questions to be asked and answered and scams in recruitment/appointment of census officials and enumerators. The article recommended shift from the traditional and decennial to administrative census; intensive and extensive awareness and mobilization through (new social media, radio and other local and popular means of information dissemination) for the exercise; massive involvement of traditional and communities leaders; timely provision of logistics and transparent recruitment/appointment of adequate, but also competent personnel, and proper management of the data to be gathered during the exercise, openness in the conduct of the exercise to avoid unnecessary controversies and manipulation of figures for political, ethno-religious, regional and other negative interests.

Objective: The objective is to make a comparative study of the Nigeria's First Republic (1954-1966) and the post 1966 federalism. The two periods saw Nigeria practicing federalism with different power sharing and governmental components arrangements. The study is significant at this time of search for a viable federalism, incessant agitations for restructuring the Nigerian state, and increasing threats to her unity and cohesion over the federal arrangement. Methodology: The study used non-numerical, secondary and historically documented sources to collect data and also used the historical method and practical events in Nigeria's journey of federalism to analyse the data. Result: In the First Republic, it was a fiscal federalism with greater regional autonomy and limited constitutional powers to the Central Government, while the post 1966 federalism had more and strategic powers constitutionally allocated to the Central Government. First Republic federalism was more disciplined in financial and residual matters and power with greater autonomy and competition between regions which greatly fostered development and accountability among them, with less constitutional frictions between the Central and Regions. Implication: The study fills an existing gap in the study of Nigeria's federalism viz-a-viz more calls for restructuring and or true federalism, number of units and devolution of constitutional powers, corruption, slow and discouraged development, which result in over-reliance on statutory allocations from the Centre, and intensifies struggle for resource control, although it on the other hand controversially guarantees the unity of the Nigerian state.

Objective: The main objectives of this paper are to explore the critical issues in the agitations/calls for restructuring Nigeria. A conceptual model is used and critical issues identified as influenced by many factors and interests with a special reflections on the background history, geography, heterogeneity and politics of the Nigerian state. Methodology: Secondary sources of data were used to and historical documentation method of data analysis was also used to analyse the data. Results: There are severally identified issues which are critical to and must be squarely addressed in order to arrive at a desired and mutually accepted stand on Nigeria's geo-political, ethno-religious and socio-cultural composition, and a sustained unity and stability which are sought in the name of restructuring. Elites and political merchants' prime interest in power and resources have however, shaped and dominated the restructuring agitations. Implications: The study is premised on the socio-economic, political and ethno-religious realities of the Nigerian state and society. Therefore, the study presented an outline and a roadmap for the Nigerian policy makers, politicians, citizens and other stakeholders in the Nigerian state. The study stated the most sensitive issues which are indispensable to any re-arrangement, negotiation, consensus and unity in the Nigerian state by the name of restructuring.

Objective: The objective of this study is to uncover the systematic but neglected genocide against the majority Hausa-Fulani and Muslims groups of Nigeria and alert all the stakeholders. Methodolgy: The used qualitative research (non-statistical) design to investigate and uncover the genocide. Secondary sources were used for the collection of the data from books, journals articles, press releases, rejoinders, public records and historical texts and materials; the data was also analysed using the qualitative and historical methods of data analysis. Results: The results show that over the years, there is factual systematic genocide against the Hausa-Fulani majority and the Muslims groups in Nigeria by the non-Muslims using various means and strategies – peaceful and violent, historical narratives, the media, public offices and positions; the various Nigerian state authorities have not been taking enough measures to avoid or stop the genocide. The genocidaires are and their actions are known to the Nigerian state authorities and in most instances move and operate with impunity. Implication: The study found evident systematic genocide against the Hausa-Fulani and Muslims in Nigeria. Immediate and remote legal, political and socio-economic measures must be taken by the Nigerian state authorities as the situation is further degenerating, and threatens humanity, Nigeria's unity and sustenance.

One of the major characters of the Nigeria is the prominence of ethnicity, regionalism and religion in her formation from 1914, and the succeeding trends, particularly in her public affairs. These (ethnicity, regionalism and religion) have therefore, greatly been influencing her unity, cohesion, development and sustainability. Not only have these manifested and determined Nigerian state make up, structure and affairs, but also resulted in conflicts, threats to national cohesion, controversies, and unhealthy rivalry among the heterogeneous ethno-religious and regional groups in the country. This article explores ethno-religious and regional rivalry among Nigeria's prominent religions, major, small and minority ethnic groups. It also examined the factors responsible for, the effects of rivalry on Nigerian state and the policy measures put in place by various regimes to contain the rivalry. It is very clear from the study that the basic reasons for the rivalry are economic, political, power and fear of domination and supremacy by the others. The article also argues that although ethno-religious, regional rivalry has been a potent threat to Nigeria's unity and social bond, accommodation, stability and prosperity, it is also positively awakening individuals, religions, groups and regions to civic duties and political participation, stand for their rights, responsibilities, etc. The nature and extent to which the rivalry is pursued (either positive or negative) determines the consciousness and stimulation of drives by the groups to rise up to impending socio-economic and political development, which in turn speeds up the progress and development of the state, or further threaten national unity, social bond, and stability of Nigeria.

Election is a major character and indispensable to modern democracy. As a means by which citizens decide their leaders and policies, it is very strategic to every democracy and its conduct and credibility determine legitimacy and success or otherwise of a political system. It process of conferring popular legitimacy on both the state and leaders involves many things which are embodied in an electoral system also as provided within a state's legal framework. Over the years there have been calls, agitations and outcry for electoral reforms in Nigeria in addition to the electoral acts and many constitutional provisions regulating the electoral system. This article examines the politics of electoral reforms in Nigeria. Nigerian politicians'/elites have partly devised electoral reforms as means of securing public legitimacy and popularity; it has become a means of accommodating and rewarding parties allies and loyalists, patrons and clients; and a diversionary tactic to skew the public attention towards one end; there appears no little or sincere political commitment towards the enactment of some of the electoral reforms; there is no much wrong with the past and present electoral system and laws, but lack or absence of genuine political commitment to enforce those laws. Nigerians have little confidence in the reforms due to insincere political will and commitment to enforce such reforms when finally approved. The article submits that mere electoral reforms in Nigeria are not adequate or capable of restoring credibility in elections, hope in the democracy and legitimacy. Enforcement of subsisting electoral laws, positive reorientation of the stakeholders, regulated use of money, and genuine commitment of all are vital to the success and credibility of elections in Nigeria.