Suchergebnisse

The fundamental element in the Marxist conception of ideology is the determination of ideas & perceptions by the ways in which people earn their livings & the social conditions to which these give rise. This view by itself, however, does not adequately explain the ideological framework of a social organization or its process of development. The dialectic governing the formulation of ideologies is not only vertical, but horizontal as well. While capitalist modes of production may be dominant, feudal or slave systems of production may exist alongside them at the same time, especially during transitional periods. The colonial expansion of Europe gave rise to a variety of such cases, including Latin America, the US, & Canada. In the first case, that of colonialist social structure, the dominating classes come gradually to share the ideology of metropolitan nations, leading the dominated classes to share the ideology of the dominated metropolitan classes. In the latter--that of colonized social structure--one part of the metropolitan society detaches itself, & is largely free of internal conflict, encountering conflict through external relations. Modified HA.

Professor Moniere brings a focus to Quebec's evolution by studying its ideologies. He locates them in their dynamic economic and historical contexts from the French regime to the present. This book brings scholarship on ideologies to the fore, opening up the collective memory and putting today's problems in perspective

This case study demonstrates that electoral speeches possess specific characteristics. We give the example of Stephen Harper's speeches, given during the 2008 elections, which differ from those delivered when he was prime minister. The electoral speech is more socially anchored. It values the nation. When he is campaigning, S. Harper also uses the pronoun "we" more frequently, so that he does not appear as the main decider of collective choices. Compared with governmental speeches, electoral speeches are also less theoretical and more action orientated as indicated by the predominance of verbal over nominal groups. The very frequent presence of the negative construction and the use of opponents' names highlight the polemic character of electoral speeches. Adapted from the source document.

Lexical analysis of the speeches given by the four major candidates for the French presidency in 2007 is analyzed here. Their vocabulary, themes & sentence construction show their style & communication strategies. Particular emphasis is given to the two finalists. Most important themes in S. Royal's campaign were: "presidential program," "status of work," defense of "public services." N. Sarkozy gave priority to "purchasing power," history of France, & "national identity," choosing not to mention his opponents' names. For Royal, politics means "moral responsibility" & "ability to rule," whereas for Sarkozy it means "self belief" & "will." Lastly, S. Royal's sentences are much longer & more complex, but the vocabulary does not vary according to the theme. N. Sarkozy uses very short sentences which he often repeats, & the vocabulary is specific to the subject he is dealing with. Tables, Graphs. Adapted from the source document.

Examined is the heuristic capacity of D. Easton's model of analysis (The Political System, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1971). If it is accepted that from an epistemological viewpoint there is an articulation between historically situated social practice & the formulation of concepts which attempt to represent & explain a particular situation, one is then led to question whether a theory produced in this way is capable of comprehending a different social reality, which corresponds to other parameters of time & space, & which is, therefore, characterized by a totally different problematic. After a discussion of the hypothesis & logic inherent in the Eastonian model, these are applied to the stateless society of the Adioukrou of the Ivory Coast. Limitations of the definition of the 'political' contained in the model, based on a specific definition of the division of labor, are noted. Without denying the existence of the political in stateless societies, the hypothesis of functional differentiation is seen not to apply in all cases & therefore not to be taken for granted. The boundaries of the political in such societies cannot be identified; one cannot speak of the specialization of functions within different systems in any transferable or automatic sense. In a society based on lineages such as that of the Adioukrou, where the organization of production is based on the village community & where there is an absence of the appropriation of the means of production on a private basis, it is impossible to identify the specificity of the 'political' as opposed to other areas of social interaction. HA.

In the crisis that pervades Western Marxism, the question of the party & its relation to the masses occupies a central position. Critically examined is the Leninist conception of party, specifying those intrinsic limits which are linked to the theoretical & political context of the period in which it was elaborated. The problem of the development of class consciousness is raised & the Leninist principle of the external character of class consciousness criticized. This theory, in which the party is conceived as the master-thinker & theoretical guide of a proletariat dominated by its material conditions of existence rests on an epistemological justification: the theory of reflection. The philosophical foundations of this conception are retraced in Lenin's theory of knowledge, which makes the party mediator/bearer of the historical truth of the proletariat. For Lenin, the lack of consciousness of the working class is explained by its inability to pass beyond its class determination & to rise to a comprehension of contradiction. It is by reason of this deep-seated narrowness of the working class that the party is indispensable in bringing knowledge of society in its totality to the proletariat. Modified HA.

The style of politician speeches reveals their personalities and their communication strategies. In order to analyse the style of Quebec prime ministers, from 1960 to 2005, a corpus of 789 speeches have been built up and a quantitative stylistic analysis has been applied to it. The main indicators used are the grammatical categories, especially the verbs and pronouns, the length and the structure of the sentences. This statistical comparison shows some important differences between the styles of the prime ministers and between the communication strategies they have followed. Adapted from the source document.

I. Political discourses in French : Charles de Gaulle. 79 texts (titles : DG + rank number) : all the TV-broadcast speeches and press conferences between June 1958 and March 1959 (201 927 words); Francois Mitterrand : 68 texts (titles : FM + year/month/day) : all the TV-broadcast speeches and press conferences between July 1981 and March 1987 (305 215 words) ; Canadian Political Discourse. 47 texts (titles : Ctrone + year) : all the "speeches of the Throne" by the Canadian Prime Ministers between 1945 and 2 000 (147 267 words) ; Quebecker Political Discourse. 48 texts (titles : Qtrone + year) all the "speeches of the Throne" by the Quebecker Prime Ministers between 1945 and 2000 (204 212 words) ; French Political Discourse. 48 texts (titles : Fdecla + year) : all the "declarations d'investiture" by French Prime Ministers between 1945 and 1997 (258 779 words) ; II. French Theather of the XVIIth century : Corneille. All the 34 plays by Pierre Corneille. The title of each file begins with the number of the text in the electronic archives of the Institut National de la Langue Francaise (INaLF) + the main word in the title of the play. NB : the INaLF's number is a chronological one. For example, "300Melite" is the first play by Corneille. (553 190 words) ; Moliere. All the 32 plays by Jean-Baptiste Poquelin-Moliere. Title : INaLF's archives number + main word in the title of the play. NB : the INaLF's number is a chronological one (364 963 words) ; Racine. All the 12 plays by Jean Racine. (Title : INaLF's archives number + main word in the title of the play. NB : the INaLF's number is a chronological one) 166 626 words ; III. Corpus Brunet: 50 excerpts of 11 French authors (Balzac, Chateaubriand, Flaubert, Marivaux, Maupassant, Proust, Rousseau, Sand, Vernes, Voltaire, Zola) chosen by Prof. Etienne Brunet for a "double blind" experiment with authorship attribution (436 748 words). IV. Documentation: Articles and various papers concerning these corpora and/or methods used by the authors are collected in a file entitled : "Documentation". V. Tools: 10 software packages dedicated to data analysis applied to these tagged corpora, are contained in the file "Outils". The directions for use in regard to each one are presented in a file the title of which is ending by : "…Lisez_moi"

Three statistical studies applied to presidential discourse (vocabulary, themes and style).Thecampaigns for the presidential elections of 2002, 2007 and 2012 reveal personalisation,tension and a growing level of aggression between candidates. The analysis of televiseddebates between the two finalists since 1974 leads to the same conclusions, and shows thatpolitical conditions of the moment prevail over the left-right divide and over the personalitiesof the candidates. The mapping of the political communication of seven presidents since 1958shows that they talk a lot and prefer to use the medium of speeches rather than interviews orpress conferences. ; Trois études de statistique appliquée au discours présidentiel (vocabulaire, thèmes et style). Les campagnes pour les élections présidentielles de 2002, 2007 et 2012 indiquent une personnalisation, une tension et une agressivité croissante entre les candidats. L'analyse des débats télévisés entre les deux finalistes depuis 1974 aboutit aux mêmes conclusions et montre que la conjoncture politique du moment l'emporte sur le clivage droite-gauche et sur la personnalité des candidats. Le recensement de la communication des sept présidents depuis 1958 montre qu'ils parlent beaucoup et qu'ils privilégient l'allocution plutôt que les entretiens ou les conférences de presse.