Suchergebnisse

The U.S. drug overdose crisis has been described as a national disaster that has affected all communities. But overdose rates are higher among some subpopulations and in some places than they are in others. This article describes demographic (sex, racial/ethnic, age) and geographic variation in fatal drug overdose rates in the United States from 1999 to 2020. Across most of that timespan, rates were highest among young and middle-age (25–54 years) White and American Indian males and middle-age and older (45+ years) Black males. Rates have been consistently high in Appalachia, but the crisis has spread to several other regions in recent years, and rates are high across the urban-rural continuum. Opioids have been the main contributor, but overdoses involving cocaine and psychostimulants have also increased dramatically in recent years, demonstrating that our problem is bigger than opioids. Evidence suggests that supply-side interventions are unlikely to be effective in reducing overdoses. I argue that the U.S. should invest in policies that address the upstream structural drivers of the crisis.

This study investigates rural-urban differences in COVID-19 in terms of its impacts on the physical and mental health, social relationships, employment, and financial hardship of U.S. working-age adults (18–64). I use data from the National Wellbeing Survey collected in February and March 2021 ( N = 3,933). Most respondents (58 percent) reported that COVID-19 has had a negative impact on their lives. Residents of rural counties adjacent to metro areas reported the worst outcomes: they were more likely than residents of large urban counties to report positive tests for coronavirus; to live with someone who tested positive or have a close friend or family member outside of the household test positive; to have a close friend or family member hospitalized; to seek treatment for anxiety or depression; to be late paying rent, mortgage, and other bills; to not be able to afford groceries or other necessities; and to get a loan from family or friends. Recovery policies must consider geographic variation in COVID-19 vulnerability and impacts.

AbstractHispanics have the lowest health insurance rates of any racial or ethnic group, but rates vary significantly across the United States. The unprecedented growth of the Hispanic population since 1990 in rural areas with previously small or nonexistent Hispanic populations raises questions about disparities in access to health insurance coverage. Identifying spatial disparities in Hispanic health insurance rates can illuminate the specific contexts within which Hispanics are least likely to have health care access and inform policy approaches for increasing coverage in different spatial contexts. Using county‐level data from the 2009–13 American Community Survey, I find that early new destinations (i.e., those that experienced rapid Hispanic population growth during the 1990s) have the lowest Hispanic adult health insurance coverage rates, with little variation by metropolitan status. Conversely, among the most recent new destinations that experienced significant Hispanic population growth during the first decade of the 2000s, metropolitan counties have Hispanic health insurance rates that are similar to established destinations, but rural counties have Hispanic health insurance rates that are significantly lower than those in established destinations. Findings demonstrate that the new destination disadvantage is driven entirely by higher concentrations of immigrant noncitizen Hispanics in these counties, but labor market conditions were salient drivers of the spatially uneven distribution of foreign‐born noncitizen Hispanics to new destinations, particularly in rural areas.

Over the past 100 years, sociologists have been exploring and debating the components, origins, and effects of racism in every social institution in the United States. Although scholars have studied the structural racism inherent in the institution of welfare, no sociologist has fully applied a critical framework to understand the contemporary manifestations of gendered color-blind racism within the institution. This article combines Bonilla-Silva's theory of color-blind racism with Hill-Collins's concept of controlling images to advance the framework of gendered color-blind racism that can help to critically examine and understand the experiences of Black women within the social welfare system.

This article investigates the effects of social cohesion, social support, social control, and active local community participation on neighborhood satisfaction among individuals living in Los Angeles County. Utilizing the LAFANS dataset and proportional odds regression models, the authors find that net of individual demographic and socioeconomic status, perceptions of social cohesion, and social control are associated with greater levels of neighborhood satisfaction, whereas perceptions of neighborhood social support have no effect on satisfaction. Furthermore, formal involvement in one's neighborhood is associated with greater levels of satisfaction only in certain contexts and only for certain types of involvement.

Privatization of public goods maximizes corporate profits while providing minimal benefits or protections to public health. When calamities such as infectious disease pandemics, natural disasters, and severe weather strike, privatized systems often fail to respond adequately. This issue brief describes how privatization of public goods undermines public health, damages public trust, and erodes democracy and provides suggestions for how we can rethink policies to value people over profits instead of valuing profits over people.

Using surveys collected from a sample of households nested within "naturally occurring" neighborhoods in Las Vegas, Nevada, during the 2007–2009 economic recession, this study examines the associations between real and perceived measures of neighborhood distress (foreclosure rate, physical decay, crime) and residents' reports of neighborhood quality of life and neighborhood satisfaction. Consistent with social disorganization theory, both real and perceived measures of neighborhood disorder were negatively associated with quality of life and neighborhood satisfaction. Residents' perceptions of neighborliness partially acted as a buffer against the effects of neighborhood distress, including housing foreclosures, on quality of life, and neighborhood satisfaction.

ObjectivesSociologists and other scholars have debated the causes of continuing residential segregation for several decades. Social class has been largely discounted as a substantial determinant of residential segregation by race, but recent studies have brought renewed attention to class variables. The present study reassesses the role of social class, using household income, while also considering metropolitan area characteristics.MethodsThis study expands on prior research by examining residential segregation between black‐alone and white‐alone households with 2000 decennial Census data for all U.S. Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) with at least 200,000 or more black population or 1,000,000 total population (60 MSAs total), using both spatial unevenness (dissimilarity) and two types of experiential (i.e., contextual) indicators (exposure indices), measuring socioeconomic status (SES) with a greater range and number of income levels than in past research, and using multivariate models to account for metropolitan area characteristics.ResultsWe find that both dissimilarity and exposure measures are significantly associated with household income—black households with higher household incomes live in neighborhoods with greater exposure to whites and lower isolation from other blacks than do black households with lower incomes. Additionally, a number of MSA‐level characteristics—several of which have not been considered in previous research—are substantially associated with black/white residential segregation.ConclusionWe interpret these findings in the context of spatial assimilation and place stratification perspectives, and conclude that racial segregation is at least partly based on class.

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) affects the lives of 12 million people in the United States. While commonly thought of in relation to military personnel and veterans, PTSD is also common among the general public. Resilience - the ability to cope with stressful events - is essential for recovering from PTSD. This data slice uses data from the National Wellbeing Survey to examine resilience among U.S. working-age adults with and without PTSD by their relationship to the military. Results show that those with PTSD have less resilience than those who have not experienced PTSD. In addition, those with military experience are more resilient than those without military experience.

Studies show that raising the minimum wage in a US state above the federal minimum wage can reduce infant mortality rates in those states. Some states have raised their minimum wage in recent decades, while many others did not, and have prohibited local authorities from doing so by enacting preemption laws. This study investigates how the recent emergence of state preemption laws that remove local authority to raise the minimum wage has affected infant mortality rates. Using county- and state-level data spanning 2001 through 2018, this study models infant mortality rates as a function of minimum wage levels, controlling for confounders. The estimated model, combined with information on the timing, location, and level of preempted minimum wages, is then used to estimate the number of infant deaths that occurred in 2018 that could be attributed to state preemption of local minimum wage increases. In the 9 largest (pop. > 250,000) metro counties most directly affected by state preemption, we estimate that in 2018, 25 infant deaths were attributable to preemption. This equates to a 5.4% reduction in these counties' infant mortality rate. When considering all large metro counties in preemption states, as many as 605 infant deaths could be attributed to preemption. State preemption laws that remove local authority to enact health-promoting legislation, such as minimum wage increases, are a significant threat to population health. The growing tide of these laws, particularly since 2010, may be contributing to recent troubling trends in US life expectancy.