Suchergebnisse

In the public debate, on the one hand, the so-called cancel culture (CC) is stigmatised as an attack against the Western tradition and the rationality of dialogue, on the other, it is associated with the oblivion of material issues, substituted by identity claims. These two readings can be opposed by a third that frames the events subsumed under CC in a positive way as 'intersectionality', and a fourth that, while appreciating its purpose, challenges its liberal grammar of rights. CC, identity politics and intersectionality – although they identify both broader and more specific sets of problems – can thus be read as the names that different scholars give to the same dynamics. After briefly reviewing some of the literature on the topic, the paper will focus on the conflict between economic instances and identity, first by recalling some reflections from the Marxist tradition on the subject of 'race' and gender, and then by looking at two contemporary Marxist texts, by Asad Haider and Ashley Bohrer. With a different stance on intersectionality, but criticising economicist determinism, the two authors reason about ways of composing social heterogeneity in a political project. This allows for an original reading of some of the issues involved in the discussion about CC.

Non disponibile.

Mohandas Gandhi's interpretation of Hinduism was key to his practice of nonviolence. His influence on Western thought is most often represented by Martin Luther King Jr.'s Christian appropriation of Gandhi to support the Civil Rights Movement. American philosopher, Gene Sharp, has written about Gandhi's influence in terms of political strategies that do not need a metaphysical or religious foundation. This paper contends that Gandhi's metaphysical foundation for his nonviolent philosophy and practice has striking parallels with the writings of Martin Heidegger. Through these similarities Gandhi's ideas can be more clearly incorporated into Western, secular thought. Two examples include the paradox that a self-righteous "holding to truth" (satyagraha) itself may be, itself, a source of violence. It is precisely at this point of contradiction that both Gandhi and Heidegger use their respective metaphysics to argue for an active, nonviolent struggle with violence.

According to a common opinion in economic literature, the National Income Test provides a necessary condition for potential Pareto dominance. This paper demonstrates that this statement is true in pure-exchange economies, but, in general, false in production economies.

AbstractG. William Skinner's early work on the Chinese of Thailand anticipated the spatial concerns that he later brought to the study of Chinese history. The present article revisits Skinner's 1957 classic "Chinese Society in Thailand" to highlight its overlooked spatial dimension and its emphasis on the role of Chinese in patterns of spatial change in Thai history. It then applies the formal approaches pioneered in Skinner's work on spatial dimensions of Chinese history to the Thai case. A two-factor regional-systems model for twentieth-century Thailand is developed in explicit imitation of Skinner's modeling of China's "macroregions." The model illustrates long-term trends toward the tighter integration of Thailand's Bangkok-centered national-level regional system, the importance of numerous patterns of more local spatial change, the significance of extra-systemic influences on the system, and the role of Chinese as significant participants and agents in each of these processes. Results also suggest the need for further work on spatial dimensions of modern Thai and Southeast Asian history and on the role of Chinese as agents of spatial change in the region.