Suchergebnisse

"This volume is a thorough re-examination of civil unrest and discontent in the United States, particularly the intersection of democracy and violence. The work argues that unrest and violence are embedded rituals of social and political 'disconsent', and are constitutive features of citizen-based democracy. As such, they are part of how democratic life works: unrest is the eruptive, visible grammar of citizens in a democratic society. Democracy and citizen unrest and violence in the United States is set within a deeper history. The author traces the roots of American democracy -- and the rituals of disconsent -- to their sources in ancient Mediterranean political society, demonstrating that early democratic theory and practice understood unrest and revolt as morally grounded. Featuring case studies of recent episodes of political and social 'disconsent' in the United States, the volume contextualizes the Black Lives Matter protests, unrest around police and institutional violence, and the Capitol insurrection on January 6th. Through this, the book provides an important social theoretical lens through which to understand American discontent around racial injustice, political suppression, and citizen disillusionment"--

Engaging Strangers: Civil Rites, Civic Capitalism, and Public Order in Boston by Daniel J. Monti, Jr. explores how the people of Boston have learned to practice a more congenial and respectful set of civic virtues. Monti provides a model for civic conduct for the rest of America to study and follow, showing how the cultural ideals we share and the civic-minded practices we follow in and out of the business world reflect a mix of liberal and conservative values that work for all of us

Recent arguments against the use of the courts as a route for fashioning and implementing complex school desegregation plans are evaluated in light of the experiences of one district where the courts and federal government did not assume an active role. The political consequences of nonenforcement are explored as are the methods employed by school officials to maintain their control over educational policy‐making. On the basis of this evidence, the author argues that an assertive judiciary is necessary, if desegregation policies and procedural reforms are to be successfully introduced.

Presented is a historical sketch of civil violence in New York City, dating back to the riot against the colonial administration of Jacob Leisler on 5-8 June 1690. Additional disturbances throughout the city's history include slave uprisings, Catholic-Protestant skirmishes, Stamp Act riots, abolitionist disturbances, violent garment workers strikes, &, more recently, black, Puerto Rican & antiwar riots. An important difference between European & United States civil disorders is that the United States rioters seldom manifested the kind of self-consciously political fervor apparent in European labor violence. Thus, United States civil disorders are viewed as serving essentially conservative interests. 1 Table. Modified HA.

Data on racial controversies involving New York's black and Puerto Rican population between 1960 and July 1964 were obtained from an analysis of New York Times articles. These data deal with "events" or exchanges between representatives of the city's minority populations and public officials or nonminority actors. An analysis of these exchanges for the four and one-half year period preceding the July riots reveals that violence followed unsuccessful efforts by minority actors to alter the behavior of nonminority and government actors toward them through peaceful and nonviolent strategies. This pattern of conflicts conforms to the general idea that mass violence by aggrieved groups or classes is more likely to occur when: (1) conventional channels for solving problems fail to resolve differences between groups; (2) nonviolent strategies fail to evoke positive responses from the targets of grievances; and/or (3) they have few strategies to choose among in order to make their case before the public. It also offers support for the "solidarity theories" of collective violence which link the genesis of violence to everyday political life, and specifies a connection between the frequency and intensity of conflictive actions.