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ABSTRACTA growing body of literature has focused on how different states continuously "make race" by legitimizing certain racial categories while invisibilizing others. Much less has been written on the actual processes of transforming race into a bureaucratic category when implementing antiracist public policies. This article focuses on the recent use of verification commissions to validate the racial self-identification of potential beneficiaries of racial quotas at federal higher education institutions in Brazil. We argue that through their choices, particularly through their definition of what race is, of who can see race, and of how to see race, these commissions are transforming not only understandings about affirmative action's aims but also understandings of race. The study focuses on three potential consequences of commission practices for Brazilian racial boundaries: the disciplining of racial identifications, the decontextualization of race, and the individualization of racial injustice.

La creciente literatura que analiza la producción de categorías étnico-raciales se ha centrado principalmente en el papel de los estados-nación, los movimientos sociales y las tendencias transnacionales. Los debates institucionales internos que influyen en estos procesos han recibido una atención limitada, y el papel de los empadronadores en particular permanece en gran parte inexplorado. Basado en las entrevistas a profundidad a cincuenta y cuatro empadronadores en el Censo Nacional de Perú de 2017, este documento sostiene que los empadronadores son actores influyentes en la producción de categorías étnico-raciales y pueden ser considerados como burócratas a nivel de calle. En nuestro estudio, las interpretaciones de los empadronadores sobre la pregunta étnico-racial y las categorías enfatizaron dimensiones de raza y etnicidad que aumentaron la probabilidad de que los residentes se identificaran como mestizos. Estos hallazgos sugieren que, a pesar de su papel temporal, los empadronadores son actores importantes en la producción de categorías étnico-raciales en sociedades en las que estas son cuestionadas.

AbstractPrevious studies have posited that elites are willing to advance the redistribution of income and social goods when the negative effects of inequality, such as crime and conflict, threaten their own interests. Although elites acknowledge these negative effects, their support for redistributive policies remains low throughout the Global South. We address this paradox using a multi-method research design. Drawing on 56 in-depth interviews with Brazilian political and economic elites, we document how, when discussing the negative effects of inequality, interviewees consistently characterized the poor as ignorant, irrational and politically incompetent. We use these findings to theorize about the negative impact of such perceptions of the poor on elite support for redistribution. We then test this relationship using survey data gathered from random samples of political and economic elites in Brazil, South Africa and Uruguay (N = 544). We find the relationship to be robust.

Previous studies have posited that elites are willing to advance the redistribution of income and social goods when the negative effects of inequality, such as crime and conflict, threaten their own interests. Although elites acknowledge these negative effects, their support for redistributive policies remains low throughout the Global South. We address this paradox using a multi-method research design. Drawing on 56 in-depth interviews with Brazilian political and economic elites, we document how, when discussing the negative effects of inequality, interviewees consistently characterized the poor as ignorant, irrational and politically incompetent. We use these findings to theorize about the negative impact of such perceptions of the poor on elite support for redistribution. We then test this relationship using survey data gathered from random samples of political and economic elites in Brazil, South Africa and Uruguay (N = 544). We find the relationship to be robust.

Frontmatter -- contents -- List of tables -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: Accounting for Differences -- Chapter 2: The United States -- Chapter 3: Brazil -- Chapter 4: Israel -- Conclusion -- Appendix 1: Methodology -- Appendix 2: Tables of Frequency of Experiences with and Responses to Stigmatization and Discrimination by Respondents -- Notes -- References -- Index