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Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- 1 Introducing the Spanish Coast -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Factors Affecting the Spanish Coast -- 1.2.1 Winds and Waves -- 1.2.2 Tides -- 1.2.3 Sediment Availability -- 1.2.4 Climate Change and Sea Level Movements -- 1.2.5 Tsunamis -- 1.2.6 Human Actions -- 1.3 History of Human Occupation -- 1.4 Galician Coast -- 1.5 Cantabrian Coast -- 1.6 Catalan Coast -- 1.7 Levante and Alboran Coasts -- 1.8 Balearic Coasts -- 1.9 Andalousia Atlantic Coast -- 1.10 Canarian Coasts -- References -- Rocky Coasts and Cliffs -- 2 The Rocky Coasts of Northwest Spain -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Structural and Lithological Control of the Genesis of Rocky Coasts -- 2.3 The Coastal Cliffs -- 2.4 Classification of Galician Cliffs by Their Shape -- 2.4.1 Cliffs with Convex or Concave Slopes -- 2.4.2 Flat-Topped Cliffs Without Associated Plain -- 2.4.3 Flat-Topped Cliffs with Associated Plain -- 2.5 Classification of Cliffs by Height and Slope -- 2.6 Classification of Cliffs on the Basis on Lithology -- 2.6.1 Cliffs Formed by Granite Rock -- 2.6.2 Cliffs Formed on Metamorphic Rocks -- 2.6.3 Cliffs Formed on Recent Sediments -- 2.7 Classification of Cliffs According to the Composition of the Base -- 2.7.1 Cliffs with Sandy Areas at the Base -- 2.7.2 Cliffs with Accumulations of Boulders at the Base -- 2.7.3 Cliffs with Platforms at the Base -- 2.8 Cliff Dynamics -- 2.8.1 Detachments -- 2.8.2 Collapses -- 2.8.3 Rotational Landslides -- 2.9 Coastal Platforms -- 2.9.1 Platform Formation -- 2.10 Boulder Beaches (coídos) -- 2.10.1 Types -- 2.10.1.1 Longitudinal -- 2.10.1.2 Double Peaked -- 2.10.1.3 Bow-Shaped -- 2.10.1.4 Channel-Type -- 2.10.1.5 Simple Peaked -- 2.10.2 Dynamics -- References -- 3 Cliff Coast of Asturias -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.1.1 Geological Setting -- 3.1.2 Geomorphological Setting.

AbstractIn this paper I argue that many scholars involved in the contemporary free will debates have underappreciated the philosophical appeal of agent causation because the resources of contemporary emergentism have not been adequately introduced into the discussion. Whereas I agree that agent causation's main problem has to do with its intelligibility, particularly with respect to the issue of how substances can be causally relevant, I argue that the notion of substance causation can be clearly articulated from an emergentist framework. According to my proposal, a free agent isa causally powerful substance that emerges in an anomic way from her constitutive mental events, downwardly constraining, selecting and, in this way, having control on them. As we shall see, this particular concept of agent causation not only makes sense of the deep insight behind agent libertarianism, but it also provides us with the resources to solve some of the main objections that have been raised against it. It is true that here I cannot develop a complete defense of the evidential credentials of emergentism. Still, even if the considerations that follow do not serve to convince detractors of agent causal libertarian accounts of free will, they do suggest that libertarian agent causation is more promising than is typically acknowledged.

Public companies represent a valuable tool for the state to intervene in the economy by correcting market failures. However, critical positions that advocate its privatization continue to appear since they do not usually have great returns. This study analyzes the effect that political goals have on the efficiency of a state-owned enterprise (SOE) when ownership and management tend to be concentrated in the same actor. Agency theory served as a reference framework, using Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) as a case study during the period 1995–2014. First, the period was divided into four stages differentiated by changes in the SOE volumetric strategy, the exploration strategy, the position regarding foreign capital, and the SOE participation in social development activities. Later, the SOE economic and productive efficiency was analyzed in the stages to identify relevant changes. The results indicate that the interests of the principal and the agent by good management of the SOE increase when the profit is reduced. It is mainly due to the need of the government to benefit from these activities. However, when the company surplus increase, the government tends to intensify its control to obtain additional benefits, especially during electoral events.

Esta tesis doctoral aborda el itinerario del Trabajo Social (1962-2021), en Granada (Andalucía), deteniéndose en tres ámbitos de referencia: (1) formación y academia, (2) profesión y práctica profesional e (3) investigación (también intervención), bajo el prisma del factor multidimensional del género, central e inherente a la propia disciplina. En tanto que Ciencia Social y a tenor de la reconstrucción de la genealogía del Trabajo Social, aquí propuesta, demostramos que se trata de una disciplina plenamente consolidada y con fundamentos epistemológicos, teóricos, metodológicos y profesionales para incorporar la perspectiva de género a todos los referidos ámbitos. No en vano, pioneras como Mary E. Richmond o Jane Addams nos inspiraban desde el siglo pasado. Más recientemente, este estudio recoge las contribuciones científicas de autoras y autores, tales como Mª José Aguilar, Belén Agrela, Tomasa Báñez, José M. Barbero, Nuria Cordero, Lena Dominelli, Jorge Ferreira, Josefa Fombuena, Salvador Giner, Donna Haraway, Patrocinio Las Heras, Belén Lorente, Eileen McLeod, Miguel Miranda, Amalia Morales, Henrietta L. Moore, Soledad Murillo, Elena Roldán, Nuria Romo, Joan Scott, Eva Tobías, Octavio Vázquez y Teresa Zamanillo. Con una metodología cualitativa, basada en observación participante y entrevistas semiestructuradas a 29 informantes clave, así como una minuciosa investigación bibliográfica, documental y de archivo, este trabajo ha reportado datos empíricos cruciales y originales. La sistematización y el análisis de los mismos se llevó a cabo, entre otros, mediante QSR NVivo 12. Destacamos como principales conclusiones y hallazgos los siguientes (agrupadas por ámbitos tratados en esta tesis). En cuanto a la formación: el Grado de Trabajo Social goza de popularidad, especialmente en la Universidad de Granada. La mitad del alumnado elige esta carrera en primera opción. Las motivaciones de tal elección, incluida la vocación, coinciden con el perfil académico, profesional e investigador del Trabajo Social. La feminización de estos estudios (80%) queda demostrada, como también la combinación de vocación y compromiso social. La docencia en materia de género está contemplada en los planes de estudio andaluces y es impartida por profesoras. A nivel de posgrado existe oferta formativa con especialización en género en Andalucía y el alumnado de Trabajo Social tiene, en su mayoría, prioridad alta de acceso. En lo relativo a la profesionalización, este trabajo reconstruye el itinerario recorrido con sus logros y dificultades. Dicho itinerario conforma una identidad colectiva consistente, organizada y estratégica, pero además compartida y con perspectiva de género. Las generaciones veteranas fueron empoderadas y se ganaron a pulso el prestigio profesional, mediante el compromiso político y la acción directa. En comparación esto está algo más limitado en las generaciones jóvenes quienes, por otra parte, están mejor formadas comparativamente. Las generaciones anteriores definieron sus funciones y cometidos sobre la marcha. Una mayor proyección social del Trabajo Social es pertinente para conectar ciencia y sociedad. En lo referente a la investigación, más de la mitad de la producción científica es femenina, alcanzando casi el 60%. La Universidad Complutense de Madrid y la Universidad de Granada concentran el mayor número de tesis doctorales en materia de Trabajo Social, donde además despunta el factor género. La mayoría de las tesis doctorales son de autoría femenina. La mayoría de las investigaciones en Trabajo Social terminan "adscritas" a disciplinas afines, lo que invisibiliza la producción científica del Trabajo Social y, además, repercute negativamente en la promoción y el reconocimiento de estas investigadoras (mujeres en su mayoría). En ese mismo sentido, no hay revista alguna española de Trabajo Social incluida en los rankings al uso (JCR, etc.). Con todo, esta investigación demuestra el largo recorrido y la riqueza temática del Trabajo Social, así como la existencia de sólidos fundamentos teórico-metodológicos y una gran riqueza en la producción de conocimiento en las Ciencias Sociales, especialmente, aunque no sólo, en materia de género. ; This doctoral dissertation addresses the path of Social Work, specifically in Granada (Andalusia), stopping in three key areas: (1) training and academia, (2) profession and professionalism, and (3) research (as linked to intervention), all under the multidimensional factor of gender, thus central and inherent to the discipline. Based on a genealogical reconstruction of Social Work as a Social Science, we show here the advancements of a well consolidated discipline, sustained by solid epistemological, theoretical, methodological, and professional foundations in order to incorporate the gender perspective to all the aforementioned areas. Not surprisingly, pioneers like Mary E. Richmond or Jane Addams inspired us since the last century. More recently, this study collects the scientific contributions of male and female authors, such as Mª José Aguilar, Belén Agrela, Tomasa Báñez, José M. Barbero, Nuria Cordero, Lena Dominelli, Jorge Ferreira, Josefa Fombuena, Salvador Giner, Donna Haraway, Patrocinio Las Heras, Belén Lorente, Eileen McLeod, Miguel Miranda, Amalia Morales, Henrietta L. Moore, Soledad Murillo, Elena Roldán, Nuria Romo, Joan Scott, Eva Tobías, Octavio Vázquez and Teresa Zamanillo. With a qualitative methodology, based on participant observation and semi-structured interviews with 29 key informants, as well as a meticulous bibliographic, documentary and archival research, this study has reported original key empirical data. Data systematization and analysis were carried out, among others, using QSR NVivo 12. We highlight as main conclusions and findings of this research the following (grouped by themes treated in this thesis). Regarding training: The Degree in Social Work is popular, especially at the University of Granada. Half of the students choose this career as the first option. The motivations for such choice, including vocation, coincide with the academic, professional and research profile of Social Work. The feminization of these studies (80%) is demonstrated, as well as the combination of vocation and social commitment. Teaching in gender matters is contemplated in the Andalusian study plans and is taught by teachers. At the postgraduate level, there is a training offer specializing in gender in Andalusia and the majority of Social Work students have a high priority for access. As far as professionalization is concerned, this work reconstructs the itinerary covered with its achievements and difficulties. This path forms a consistent, organized and strategic collective identity, but also shared and with a gender perspective. Generations veterans were empowered and earned professional prestige through political commitment and direct action. In comparison, this is somewhat more limited in the younger generations who, on the other hand, are comparatively better educated. Previous generations defined their roles and roles on the fly. A greater social projection of Social Work is pertinent to connect science and society. Regarding research, more than half of scientific production is female, reaching almost 60%. The Complutense University of Madrid and the University of Granada concentrate the largest number of doctoral theses on Social Work, where the gender factor also stands out. Most of the doctoral theses are female authorship. Most of the investigations in Social Work end up "ascribed" to related disciplines, which makes the scientific production of Social Work invisible and, in addition, has a negative impact on the promotion and recognition of these researchers (mostly women). In the same sense, there is no spanish Social Work journal included in the current rankings (JCR, etc.). All in all, this research demonstrates the long history and thematic richness of Social Work, as well as the existence of solid theoretical-methodological foundations and a great wealth in the production of knowledge in the Social Sciences, especially, although not only, in the field of gender. ; Tesis Univ. Granada.

In 1995, Canada came the closest it has ever been in its history to breaking apart. With Quebec nationalism on the rise after a failed decade of attempted constitutional reform in the 1980s, the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois and Parti Québécois political parties sought to take Quebec out of the Canadian federation by hosting a referendum asking the infamous question: "Do you agree that Quebec should become sovereign after having made a formal offer to Canada for a new economic and political partnership within the scope of the bill respecting the future of Quebec and of the agreement signed on June 12, 1995?" In response, the federal government of Canada organized against the nationalist Yes Campaign, hoping to prevent a Québécois bid for independence. This article outlines the four main strategies the federal government used to keep Quebec within the federation: delegitimizing the question posed by the Parti Québécois on the referendum, turning to the United States for support on Canadian unity, promising distinct society and constitutional reforms for Quebec, and hosting an energetic Unity Rally in Montreal. With these four strategies, the federal government of Canada would tried its best to organize against Quebec's independence and keep Canada whole.

On October 31, 2013, thousands of Twitter accounts, automated to actively retweet President Nicolas Maduro of Venezuela, were unexpectedly closed by the social media platform. I exploit this event to study the relationship between perceived popularity on social media (amplified through the use of bot accounts) and online political expression. The analysis uses more than two hundred thousand tweets spanning six months around the event and employs a quasi-experimental empirical framework. Following the closure of the accounts, the volume of tweets mentioning the president increased by an estimated 33 percent, with a differential increase for critical messages. Relative to tweets by government leaders, the number of likes for tweets by opposition leaders increased by an estimated 21 percent. Consistent with the presence of a spiral of silence in online political expression, the results suggest that the change in the perceived popularity of Maduro led to an increase in users' willingness to express both criticism of the president and support for the opposition. While previous studies have documented how autocratic governments engage in manipulative online campaigns, this paper provides evidence of their effectiveness and highlights an important mechanism through which they can influence behavior.

RESUMEN El objetivo principal de este artículo es examinar las redes de cooperación académica y los canales de movilidad internacional establecidos por la Fundación Ford en América Latina, los cuales actuaron como plataformas de promoción de científicos sociales de la región en Estados Unidos. El interés está puesto en comprender las interacciones y los vínculos entre varios autores latinoamericanos con algunos "diplomáticos" de esta institución filantrópica para desarrollar en ese país actividades institucionales e intelectuales. De forma específica, se estudiarán los orígenes del Programa Latinoamericano del Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, establecido en Washington en 1977 por las gestiones y mediaciones personales de Abraham F. Lowenthal. Además, y siguiendo un enfoque histórico, se hará un seguimiento temporal y espacial a la trayectoria de este autor y a sus nexos intelectuales y personales mantenidos con Fernando H. Cardoso, Albert O. Hirschman, Guillermo O'Donnell y Kalman Silvert.

Recent research efforts strive to address the growing need for dismount surveillance, dismount tracking and characterization. Current work in this area utilizes hyperspectral and multispectral imaging systems to exploit spectral properties in order to detect areas of exposed skin and clothing characteristics. Because of the large bandwidth and high resolution, hyperspectral imaging systems pose great ability to characterize and detect dismounts. A multi-data dismount modeling system where the development and manipulation of dismount models is a necessity. This thesis demonstrates a computer aided multi-data fused dismount model, which facilitates studies of dismount detection, characterization and identification. The system is created by fusing: pixel mapping, signature attachment, and pixel mixing algorithms. The developed multi-data dismount model produces simulated hyperspectral images that closely represent an image collected by a hyperspectral imager. The dismount model can be modified to fit the researcher's needs. The multi-data model structure allows the employment of a database of signatures acquired from several sources. The model is flexible enough to allow further exploitation, enhancement and manipulation. The multi-data dismount model developed in this effort fulfills the need for a dismount modeling tool in a hyperspectral imaging environment.

This paper examines the new Bolivian Constitution (NBC), promulgated in February 2009, from the viewpoint of the new economic institutionalism. The NBC fixes the rules conducive to the establishment of a plural economic organization. These rules are eclectic, yet they convey a state-led development model. A significant extension of the state-owned enterprises is a prominent feature. Also, the NBC assigns an important place to communitarian (or communal) forms of organization, although their boundaries are ill defined. The NBC also purveys the view of development based primarily on the exploitation and industrialization of Bolivia's natural resources. However, the exploitation has to be compatible with the preservation of the environment and it has to take into account the particular interests of the indigenous peoples in whose territory are the resources, in line with the recovery of the ethnic identities that occupies a centerplace in the NBC. The traditional rights of republican institutions are recognized in the NBC but they leave the front stage to transit to a second level of importance. In particular, several easements are imposed to the right to private property. Moreover the NBC opens vulnerabilities to private property rights and makes them more contestable than in the previous constitutions. Prima facie, the weakening of the institutions of private property will harm the long-term growth prospects of Bolivia's economy. The NBC contains many disincentives to the accumulation of physical and human capital, as well as of technical progress and the development of markets. From a political viewpoint, the NBC is the de jure arrangement of the de facto new distribution of political power among social classes that has surged in Bolivia since early 2006. It is too early to conclude on the stability of this new political distribution. But even so, we can foresee that the long-term consequences of today's institutions, unfriendly to markets, will be very important.

In late 1982 Bolivia returned to democracy, after a long period of mostly military governments, during whose tenure real wages had declined considerably. The first democratic government, presided by Dr. Hernán Siles Suazo inherited of the military governmets a much deteriorated economy, marked by the external debt crisis. Siles Zuazo found very difficult to mediate between macroeconomic adjustment and the demands of his electorate. The government's defensive populism was unable to cope with the mounting social pressures that affected the fiscal deficits which were financed printing money. The resulting inflation that culminated in hyperinflation was moreover accompanied by food shortages and black markets. GDP fell substantially. The Central Confederation of Workers disdained the fiscal and balance of payments constraints and its wage race was a major culprit of the economic disaster. The hyperinflation was stopped with a drastic and orthodox program of stabilization that a side result politically weakened organized labor.

Populist experiments are recurrent in Latin America. One of the most conspicuous cases is that of Bolivia in the 21th century under the government of Evo Morales and his Movement to Socialism (MAS). A major distinctive feature of this populism is the incorporation of the ethnic and linguistic demands of the large indigenous population. The populism of this century, in common with previous experiences, prioritizes the redistribution of income and wealth, based on the central role of the state and nationalism. Economic policies are aimed at short-term political gains and ignoring long term consequences. However, the aggression to markets, very clear in the policy of nationalizations, has been more important than fiscal and monetary expansion. Also, because of the benign international environment, the MAS government has not had to face fiscal or balance of payments constraints.

En este trabajo se examina las nuevas condiciones para las relaciones económicas internacionales de Bolivia que ha creado el gobierno del Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS). La visión más común en los gobiernos anteriores a los del MAS era que si Bolivia ha de desarrollarse, necesitaba participar ampliamente en el comercio internacional y atraer, al mismo tiempo, flujos de capital externo para financiar las inversiones requeridas para su crecimiento. Se veía a la participación en la globalización como una condición necesaria mas, obviamente, no suficiente para el crecimiento y el desarrollo. La posición del gobierno del MAS difiere en muchos aspectos de la concepción anterior y de las visiones de los gobiernos previos. Ella está claramente más volcada al interior, con un papel más importante para el estado y en pos de una mayor industrialización de los recursos naturales del país, siguiendo modelos de mediados del siglo pasado. Las preguntas que hay que responder son: ¿cuál es el espacio de maniobra del gobierno del MAS dadas las tendencias de los principales socios comerciales de Bolivia y de las fuentes internacionales de financiamiento? ¿Cuán bien preparada está la economía boliviana para actuar bajo otras reglas de juego? ¿Qué consecuencias puede tener el retorno de políticas arcaicas? ; The "deliberative development" approach to policy reform has gained popularity in both academic and policy circles without a clear understanding of the requirements for its success. Based on a reading of the deliberative democracy literature, we detail those requirements, finding them to be quite restrictive. We then examine Bolivia's 2000 National Dialogue, a national deliberation on development policy, and find—not surprisingly—that these requirements were generally missing. More importantly, we demonstrate that the lack of these requirements is not benign: the institutional characteristics of the Dialogue had direct effects, and the Dialogue continues to affect Bolivia's politics in debatable ways. The late 1990s and early part of this decade witnessed what appeared to be a major change in the approach of international development institutions to policy reform. The most important evidence of this change was the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) initiative of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. This initiative, which arose in 1999 in the context of updating the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries' (HIPC) Initiative, required countries to prepare a PRSP prior to receiving debt relief (see International Monetary Fund and International Development Association, 1999). Each country's PRSP was to outline an overall strategy to reduce poverty, including structural reforms such as trade and privatization as well as specific anti-poverty programs. These PRSPs are now required to receive any World Bank or IMF concessional assistance. What made the PRSP initiative particularly innovative and noteworthy was that the Bank and Fund required that the strategy be developed in a "participatory" way. That is, the PRSP needed to be based on some sort of consultative process by which the government solicited input from various societal groups—including local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), businesses, and unions—and then incorporated those preferences in the policy. This approach to government policymaking seemed to go directly against a line of academic work on economic reform that had been influential in these institutions for years (e.g. Sturzenneger and Tommasi, 1998), arguing that there was an inverse relationship between the success of economic reform and the amount of participation of society in making policies. Having criticized this old approach for years, most NGOs and developing country governments supported the new direction taken by the World Bank and IMF. In fact, few critics of the approach (e.g. Stewart and Wang, 2003) have critiqued the idea of participation, most instead focusing their critiques on the poor "extent" and "quality" of participation. In one of the benchmark articles supporting this "deliberative" approach to policy reform, Peter Evans (2004) notes that such an approach to policymaking is supported by work by the economists Amartya Sen (1999) and Dani Rodrik (2000), who argue that participation and public deliberation are means to better policies. Evans writes, "If it were possible to implant this sort of deliberative process in political units large enough to impact developmental trajectories—say, the provincial or municipal level—we would have something that could be called 'deliberative development'" (2004: 37). Discussing examples from Porto Alegre, Brazil, and Kerala, India, Evans goes on to argue that this type of development is not only desirable, but attainable. Despite its increasing popularity in the academic and policy worlds, we still know little about what is needed for the deliberative development approach to be successful. While it may be true that political processes in Porto Alegre, Kerala, and elsewhere have exhibited deliberative aspects as well as positive development outcomes, the particular details of how the former relates to the latter remain murky. Are deliberative processes appropriate for all development decisions? Are there particular characteristics of the society that need to be present in order for deliberation to work well? Are there particular characteristics of the deliberative institutions that need to be present? Can there be any negative effects if deliberation is not done well? If the deliberative development approach is to be considered a viable and superior policymaking alternative, these questions must be answered.