Suchergebnisse

Algunos investigadores han alertado de que los ciudadanos occidentales participan cadavez menos en los asuntos públicos, a pesar del aumento en los niveles educativos y enlas habilidades y recursos de que disponen estos mismos ciudadanos. Esta crisis participativase manifestaría a través del declive en los niveles de participación electoral yen una menor participación en la política convencional.En el caso español, la creencia común es que, tras un breve período de amplia movilizacióny participación ciudadana durante la transición a la democracia, los ciudadanos españolesson cada vez más reticentes a participar en la esfera pública.Este artículo contradice esta descripción de la realidad española mediante el análisis delas pautas longitudinales y generacionales de participación política y asociacionismo enEspaña desde comienzos de los años ochenta, gracias a los datos de encuesta disponibles.La existencia de información sobre una amplia variedad de formas de participación políticapermite contrastar la evolución de la acción política convencional y no convencional enEspaña. Con ello se obtiene una imagen más clara de hasta qué punto los españolesparticipan ahora más o menos que hace dos décadas.

There is a widespread opinion among political scientists that western citizens are becoming less & less engaged in politics, in spite of the increasing levels of education, skills & resources. This would manifest in decreasing rates of electoral turnout, & in diminishing levels of participation in conventional politics. In the Spanish case, the common perception among scholars is that, after a period of great citizen mobilization & involvement in politics during the period of transition to democracy, Spaniards have been retreating from the public sphere. This paper challenges this description of Spanish reality. It analyses the longitudinal & generational patterns of political participation & associational membership in Spain since the early 1980s with the use of survey data. A great variety of forms of political participation are taken into account, thus, enabling to contrast the evolution of conventional & unconventional participation in Spain. This allows showing a more focused image of the degree to which Spanish citizens are now more or less engaged than they were 20 years ago. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

Based on data from the 1990s, this article analyzes the gender gap in political participation in Spain & the factors that explain it. The structural, situational, & "political disposition" models are empirically considered. Two-step regression analyses show that these three theoretical accounts are needed to understand gender differences in political participation, but, even then, some of these differences remain unexplained. Reference is made to the importance of considering the effects of latent factors such as socialization processes in gender roles. 7 Tables, 1 Figure, 35 References. Adapted from the source document.

Political opportunities, social capital, and the political inclusion of immigrants in European cities / Laura Morales and Marco Giugni -- Conceptualizing and measuring migrants' political inclusion / Laura Morales -- Institutional opportunities, discursive opportunities and the political participation of migrants in European cities / Manlio Cinalli and Marco Giugni -- The electoral participation of naturalised immigrants in ten European cities / Amparo Gonz(c)Łlez-Ferrer -- The role of social capital in migrants' engagement in local politics in European cities / Laura Morales and Katia Pilati -- Optimal opportunities for ethnic organization and political integration? Comparing Stockholm with other European cities / Per Str(c)œmblad, Gunnar Myrberg and Bo Bengtsson -- Is 'home' a distraction? The role of migrants' transnational practices in their political integration into receiving-country politics / Laura Morales and Miruna Morariu -- Patterns of participation : engagement among ethnic minorities and the native population in Oslo and Stockholm / Gunnar Myrberg and Jon Rogstad -- Political efficacy and confidence among migrants / Eva Anduiza and Josep San Mart(c)Ưn -- The impact of religion on the political participation of migrants / Nina Eggert and Marco Giugni -- Place attachment, community cohesion and the politics of belonging in European cities / Ranji Devadason -- Conclusion : Towards an integrated approach to the political inclusion of migrants / Marco Giugni and Laura Morales

Released in 2004, Rebelde represented a turning point for telenovelas in Mexico, partly due to its subversion of conventions considered intrinsic to the genre. The series achieved this by relying heavily on fashion, not only to challenge traditional gender roles but also to address changing perceptions of class and wealth within the country. Clothing was used to explore identities new to Mexican entertainment media at the time and was central to many of the show's narratives and to the ways characters related to one another. As such, Rebelde was not only a reflection of a new globalized media landscape that had been arriving to Mexico in the previous decade but was also indicative of the ways in which teenagers all over the world were embracing these changes under the guise of freedom, rebellion and independence.

The EC has requested Research Infrastructures and RI Projects to respond how they can set up possible actions that can be oriented towards the objective to create a European data platform for COVID-19 related information exchange . Our goal is to remove barriers that hinder high-quality, reproducible science leading to evidence-based interventions, such as Non-availability of relevant data – over countries, from various sources. Some data might be lost forever if they are not collected in due course. Need for a data panel to collect actions, attitudes and behaviours of citizens. We need a coordinated, web-based platform to collect data of citizens. This must be done in multiple countries (languages, cultural differences). Limited accessibility of data. Some data require security or privacy-protection measures and can only be accessed by remote access techniques. Difficulties of finding the data (by humans and machines),There is a massive data lake on social behaviour. Depending on the type of the crisis we need to filter out relevant data quickly. This is hindered due to lack of standardised descriptions (metadata) and physical spread of the data over countries and locations. Extensive efforts needed to combine data (over countries, over types of data), Multilinguality and differences in data types hinder data comparison and data integration, and would require large and time consuming efforts by researchers. The Data Portal should be designed to become a Scientific Commons and Virtual Collection on all the relevant (non-medical) social and political/policy data on the COVID-19 pandemic and its consequences. It should cover data and research from the multiple disciplines that are relevant (e.g. demography, economics, linguistics/natural language processing, media and communication studies, migration studies, political science, psychology, sociology, urban studies, etc.). It should incorporate the great variety of data formats (official statistics, surveys, registers, social media, qualitative, multi-media data, ...

En los últimos veinte años, las sociedades de España e Italia han experimentado un cambio demográfico muy notable debido a flujos migratorios de alta intensidad. Desde principios de la década de 1990, la población extranjera se multiplicó por cinco en ambos países y en 2010 alcanzó el 12 y el 6 por ciento, respectivamente, del conjunto poblacional (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). En ambos casos, dicho fenómeno migratorio plantea nuevos desafíos de representación democrática, dado que, en un periodo muy corto de tiempo, ha generado un gran caudal de nuevos residentes con expectativas legítimas de hacer oír su voz en el proceso de toma de decisiones. Sin embargo, el aumento del número de inmigrantes residentes en España e Italia también coincidió con un período en el que la opinión pública empezó a mostrar mayor preocupación por la inmigración, lo que provocó actitudes negativas cada vez más visibles hacia los colectivos inmigrantes en ambos países. Este artículo analiza en qué medida la presión migratoria y el cambio actitudinal hacia los inmigrantes en España e Italia pueden ayudarnos a comprender mejor las estrategias de los partidos a la hora de facilitar el acceso de este colectivo a cargos electos en los parlamentos nacionales. Haciendo uso de una base de datos única que incluye información sobre el perfil sociodemográfico y político de todos los diputados y diputadas en ambos países desde 1990 hasta la actualidad, nuestro estudio contribuye a avanzar en el conocimiento sobre las dinámicas que favorecen y que dificultan la representación política de los inmigrantes en estos dos países del sur de Europa. ; In the 1990s and the 2000s, Spain and Italy experienced a considerable growth in immigration. In just two decades, the foreign population has multiplied more than fivefold in both countries and by 2010 accounted for 12 and 6 per cent of the total population, respectively (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). This demographic change has put pressure on the democratic representative system of both countries, with large numbers of new residents wishing to have a voice in the direction of collective affairs. Yet, at the same time, public opinion has become increasingly concerned about immigration and immigrants' integration in both countries, with attitudes towards immigrants becoming increasingly negative in both. This article examines how these competing pressures can help us better understand the strategies of political parties in relation to the incorporation of citizens of immigrant origin into elected office in the national parliaments of both countries. Drawing on an original and unique dataset on the socio-demographic characteristics and political profiles of all national MPs elected in Spain and Italy since the beginning of the 1990s, this study aims at examining the dynamics which encourage or hinder the political representation of citizens of immigrant origin in these two Southern European countries. ; En els últims vint anys, les societats d'Espanya i Itàlia han experimentat un canvi demogràfic molt notable a causa de fluxos migratoris d'alta intensitat. Des de principis de la dècada de 1990, la població estrangera es va multiplicar per cinc en tots dos països i el 2010 va assolir el 12 i el 6 per cent, respectivament, del conjunt poblacional (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). En tots dos casos, aquest fenomen migratori planteja nous desafiaments de representació democràtica, atès que, en un període molt curt de temps, ha generat un gran cabal de nous residents amb expectatives legítimes de fer sentir la seva veu en el procés de presa de decisions. No obstant això, l'augment del nombre d'immigrants residents a Espanya i Itàlia també va coincidir amb un període en el qual l'opinió pública va començar a mostrar major preocupació per la immigració, la qual cosa va provocar actituds negatives cada vegada més visibles cap als col·lectius immigrants en ambdós països. Aquest article analitza en quina mesura la pressió migratòria i el canvi actitudinal cap als immigrants a Espanya i Itàlia poden ajudar-nos a comprendre millor les estratègies dels partits a l'hora de facilitar l'accés d'aquest col·lectiu a càrrecs electes als parlaments nacionals. Fent ús d'una base de dades única que inclou informació sobre el perfil sociodemogràfic i polític de tots els diputats i diputades en tots dos països des de 1990 fins a l'actualitat, el nostre estudi contribueix a avançar en el coneixement sobre les dinàmiques que afavoreixen i que dificulten la representació política dels immigrants en aquests dos països del sud d'Europa.

We provide a systematic assessment of various methods to position political parties on immigration, a policy domain that does not necessarily overlap with left–right and is characterized by varying salience and issue complexity. Manual and automated coding methods drawing on 283 party manifestos are compared – manual sentence-by-sentence coding using a conventional codebook, manual coding using checklists, automated coding using Wordscores, Wordfish and keywords. We also use expert surveys and the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP), covering the main parties in Austria, Belgium, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, between 1993 and 2013. We find high levels of consistency between expert positioning, manual sentence-by-sentence coding and manual checklist coding and poor or inconsistent results with the CMP, Wordscores, Wordfish and the dictionary approach. An often-neglected method – manual coding using checklists – offers resource efficiency with no loss in validity or reliability.

Abstract This paper evaluates the sampling methods of an international survey, the Immigrant Citizens Survey, which aimed at surveying immigrants from outside the European Union (EU) in 15 cities in seven EU countries. In five countries, no sample frame was available for the target population. Consequently, alternative ways to obtain a representative sample had to be found. In three countries 'location sampling' was employed, while in two countries traditional methods were used with adaptations to reach the target population. The paper assesses the main methodological challenges of carrying out a survey among a group of immigrants for whom no sampling frame exists. The samples of the survey in these five countries are compared to results of official statistics in order to assess the accuracy of the samples obtained through the different sampling methods. It can be shown that alternative sampling methods can provide meaningful results in terms of core demographic characteristics although some estimates differ to some extent from the census results.