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AbstractDespite campaign promises to be the most "gay-friendly" Republican president, since assuming office, Donald Trump has been proactive in what many lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) advocates call a "rollback" of gains made during the Barack Obama administration, shocking many observers and bringing sexual and gender politics to the fore. How can we make sense of the contradictions and consequences of Trump's sexual and gender politics? I argue that examining the transnational processes of democratization, political homophobia, and homonationalism illuminates the significance of the administration's actions. A democratization approach reveals how Trump's reversal of Obama-era policies and appointment of conservative judges signifies a greater effort at de-democratization through the contraction of citizenship rights and weakening of the judiciary; political homophobia clarifies how the administration legitimizes its governance through opposition to LGBT people and issues with the appointment of openly homophobic and transphobic individuals to prominent positions; and homonationalism, or the entry of certain queer subjects into the nation at the expense of racialized "others," aptly characterizes forms of queer inclusion still taking place under Trump. For these reasons, putting Trump's sexual and gender politics in transnational perspective can help us better understand this moment in U.S. politics.

The influential work of Tilly and Tarrow on social movement repertoire transitions—moving from older, local, and episodic tactics to newer, national, and sustained tactics—has contributed significantly to the development of social movements theory. This article expands Tilly and Tarrow's theoretical framework by drawing on examples from Nigeria and Kenya. First, we examine the causal factors contributing to repertoire transitions in these postcolonial African countries, highlighting the importance of colonial state formation and social networks in changing repertoires. Second, we consider how the gravity and effectiveness of women's nakedness, used by mothers as a collective action tactic to shame those targeted, persisted and maintained its significance across tactical repertoire transitions, despite colonial repression. We argue that the continuance of tactics across repertoire transitions lies in their ability to maintain symbolic resonance, which simultaneously restricts the transmission of tactics to other locations.

This article uses the concepts of intersectionality and linked fate to understand the relationship between group identification and political behavior among lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) and non-LGBTQ Latinx individuals. Drawing on the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS), we find that LGBTQ Latinx respondents report feelings of linked fate to both the Latinx and LGBTQ community, and that LGBTQ Latinx respondents exhibit more political participation than their non-LGBTQ Latinx counterparts. We then find that Latinx and LGBTQ linked fate are significant predictors of participation for non-LGBTQ respondents, and LGBTQ linked fate to predict LGBTQ Latinx participation. Finally, we provide evidence that suggests that feeling linked fate toward more than one marginalized group does not necessarily translate into participation in a greater number of political activities, demonstrating the complexity of group identification for predicting political participation. This study contributes to the theorizing of linked fate and political participation by deploying an intersectional lens that challenges assumptions of Latinx and LGBTQ intragroup political coherence and illuminates the complex effects that different kinds of linked fate have on political participation.

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Acknowledgments -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction -- PART 1. TRANSNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE STUDIES -- 1. Transnational Connections Among Right-Wing Women: Brazil, Chile, and the United States -- 2. Exporting the Culture Wars: Concerned Women for America in the Global Arena -- 3. Memoirs of an Avatar: A Feminist Exploration of Right-Wing Worlds in SecondLife.com -- 4. Righting Africa? Contextualizing Notions of Women's Right-Wing Activism in Sub-Saharan Africa -- 5. Gender, Islam, and Conservative Politics -- 6. Women in Extreme Right Parties and Movements: A Comparison of the Netherlands and the United States -- PART 2. PRIVATIZING THE PUBLIC, POLITICIZING THE PRIVATE -- 7. Maternalism Goes to War: Class, Nativism, and Mothers' Fight for Conscription in America's First World War -- 8 From Suffrage to Silence: The South African Afrikaner Nationalist Women's Parties, 1915–1931 -- 9. Porfi rista Femininity in Exile: Women's Contributions to San Antonio's La Prensa, 1913–1929 -- 10. Domesticating Fascism: Family and Gender in French Fascist Leagues -- 11. The Volksgemeinschaft and Its Female Denouncers in the Third Reich -- 12. Mothering the Nation: Maternalist Frames in the Hindu Nationalist Movement in India -- PART 3. COUNTERING THE LEFT -- 13. "It Takes Women to Fight Women": Woman Suffrage and the Genesis of Female Conservatism in the United States -- 14. Women's Work in Argentina's Nationalist Lexicon, 1930–1943 -- 15. "To Tell All My People": Race, Representation, and John Birch Society Activist Julia Brown -- 16. Leading the Nation: Extreme Right Women Leaders Among the Serbs -- 17 Dilemmas of Representation: Conservative and Feminist Women's Organizations React to Sarah Palin -- Selected Bibliography -- Contributors -- Index