Suchergebnisse

French colonization and the consequent War of Independence in Algeria have marked contemporary French society deeply in numerous ways. For decades, the history and memories of these events have been described as 'padlocked' by the state. Since the 2000s, academics have observed an increase in the political use of memory. While the literature has often employed psychoanalytical concepts to interpret this resurgence of the repressed, I argue that these readings are in fact designed to be present incursions into the past, serving to legitimate contemporary political projects. This is because new political actors and projects have emerged defending certain visions of the past in order to bolster present ambitions. In recent years, France has also experienced a rise of both far-right nationalist movements and Islamism. These radical formations continue to instrumentalize the history and memories of colonization and the war in Algeria to legitimate their discourses. In a fast-changing world, radical groups promote the rehabilitation of a reassuring past in which racial hierarchies and endogamy are associated with prestige and stability.I contend that while radical elements develop discourses bearing on the past, they thrive on the cultural insecurities of today's youth and thereby contribute to the reification of identities. Thus, while trying to come to terms with the past, memory policies might actually contribute to its resurgence, as they tend to focus on discourses rather than social frustrations.

French colonization and the consequent War of Independence in Algeria have marked contemporary French society deeply in numerous ways. For decades, the history and memories of these events have been described as 'padlocked' by the state. Since the 2000s, academics have observed an increase in the political use of memory. While the literature has often employed psychoanalytical concepts to interpret this resurgence of the repressed, I argue that these readings are in fact designed to be present incursions into the past, serving to legitimate contemporary political projects. This is because new political actors and projects have emerged defending certain visions of the past in order to bolster present ambitions. In recent years, France has also experienced a rise of both far-right nationalist movements and Islamism. These radical formations continue to instrumentalize the history and memories of colonization and the war in Algeria to legitimate their discourses. In a fast-changing world, radical groups promote the rehabilitation of a reassuring past in which racial hierarchies and endogamy are associated with prestige and stability.I contend that while radical elements develop discourses bearing on the past, they thrive on the cultural insecurities of today's youth and thereby contribute to the reification of identities. Thus, while trying to come to terms with the past, memory policies might actually contribute to its resurgence, as they tend to focus on discourses rather than social frustrations.

French colonization and the consequent War of Independence in Algeria have marked contemporary French society deeply in numerous ways. For decades, the history and memories of these events have been described as 'padlocked' by the state. Since the 2000s, academics have observed an increase in the political use of memory. While the literature has often employed psychoanalytical concepts to interpret this resurgence of the repressed, I argue that these readings are in fact designed to be present incursions into the past, serving to legitimate contemporary political projects. This is because new political actors and projects have emerged defending certain visions of the past in order to bolster present ambitions. In recent years, France has also experienced a rise of both far-right nationalist movements and Islamism. These radical formations continue to instrumentalize the history and memories of colonization and the war in Algeria to legitimate their discourses. In a fast-changing world, radical groups promote the rehabilitation of a reassuring past in which racial hierarchies and endogamy are associated with prestige and stability.I contend that while radical elements develop discourses bearing on the past, they thrive on the cultural insecurities of today's youth and thereby contribute to the reification of identities. Thus, while trying to come to terms with the past, memory policies might actually contribute to its resurgence, as they tend to focus on discourses rather than social frustrations.

L'école de travail social de l'université de Sherbrooke a pris comme orientation à l'automne 2015 de développer la participation des usagers et des proches dans son parcours de professionnalisation qui conduit au diplôme de baccalauréat en service social après trois années d'université. Comme l'attestent diverses expériences européennes, il s'agit d'un choix qui exige de relever divers défis. L'expérience de Sherbrooke se déroule de plus dans un contexte institutionnel très différent de la France puisque aucun texte règlementaire ne soutient une telle démarche.

Cette recherche a comme principal objectif théorique d'établir le rôle structurant de la dimension socio-spatiale dans l'organisation et la distribution des services aux populations marginalisées. De façon empirique, elle s'est concrétisée par la recension des ressources d'hébergement pour cinq types de clientèles sur le territoire de la Communauté urbaine de Montréal : les personnes psychiatrisées, les personnes déficientes intellectuelles, les personnes ex-détenues, les personnes sans-abri et les personnes toxicomanes. L'analyse des données recueillies, par secteur de recensement, a confirmé la présence d'un processus de ghettoïsation de populations marginalisées. Ainsi, globalement, 5,5 % des secteurs de recensement totalisent 45,5 % des 6 451 lits du territoire d'analyse.

L'immense majorité des personnes psychiatrisées vivent dorénavant en dehors des murs en milieu urbain. Cette modification majeure dans la dispensation des services de santé mentale s'est faite sans que l'on associe dimension sociospatiale et lieux d'hébergement. Des instruments de contrôle territorial comme le zonage ont donc été utilisés afin de tenir les personnes psychiatrisées à l'écart de certains quartiers. Mais en fait, faut-il vraiment développer autant de foyers de groupes ? De récentes recherches démontrent que si l'on prend la peine de questionner les personnes concernées, celles-ci ont des idées précises et réalistes sur ce qu'elles désirent.

Le programme de logements à loyer modique (HLM) de la Société d'habitation du Québec (SHQ) représente la composante la plus importante du logement social au Québec. Il s'agit d'un milieu éminemment stratégique au regard des problèmes sociaux et des pratiques d'action communautaires s'y déroulant. Une recherche sur les pratiques d'action communautaire en milieu HLM a permis d'établir que les acteurs locaux ont développé un patrimoine d'expériences et de compétences. Toutefois, celui-ci a besoin d'être soutenu plus fermement par l'État québécois afin de relever cet immense défi social et politique que constitue l'inclusion des résidents en milieu HLM dans la société québécoise.

39% of young French people today have a family member who's been impacted by the Algerian War of Independence. Based on a survey of 3 000 people aged 18 – 25, and 75 interviews with grand-children of veterans, harkis, pieds-noirs, jews from Algeria and FLN or OAS activists, this research explores what young people know and retain from this past, what has been transmitted in millions of families affected by this history and the way the new generation interpret, negotiate and use this heritage in daily life. Generally speaking, this thesis questions the role collective memory has on young people's identity building and political socialization.If family transmission determines a stronger interest in this history and even the shape of some accounts might take, judgment over the past remains primarily defined by political orientation and the content of family political socialization.Young descendants have simply a specific and intimate relationship to this past, identity questions of their own and a stronger politization. However, antagonisms over the past remains a left and right issue. The permanence of racism, antisemitism and orientations towards immigration and otherness are the main political heritage of the France's Algerian history. For a minority of young people, they remain a source of cleavage and a vector of politization. However, in its majority, the new generation is already building a more peaceful and more consensual relationship to the past. ; 39% des jeunes âgés de 18 à 25 ans ont aujourd'hui un lien familial avec une personne affectée par la guerre d'Algérie. Sur la base d'une enquête auprès de 3 000 jeunes et de 75 entretiens avec des petits-enfants d'appelés, de pieds-noirs, de harkis, de juifs d'Algérie, de militants au FLN ou à l'OAS, la thèse permet de faire le constat de ce que les jeunes savent et retiennent de ce passé, de ce qui a été transmis dans les millions de familles affectées par cette histoire, et de la façon dont cette nouvelle génération interprète, négocie et utilise cette ...

39% of young French people today have a family member who's been impacted by the Algerian War of Independence. Based on a survey of 3 000 people aged 18 – 25, and 75 interviews with grand-children of veterans, harkis, pieds-noirs, jews from Algeria and FLN or OAS activists, this research explores what young people know and retain from this past, what has been transmitted in millions of families affected by this history and the way the new generation interpret, negotiate and use this heritage in daily life. Generally speaking, this thesis questions the role collective memory has on young people's identity building and political socialization.If family transmission determines a stronger interest in this history and even the shape of some accounts might take, judgment over the past remains primarily defined by political orientation and the content of family political socialization.Young descendants have simply a specific and intimate relationship to this past, identity questions of their own and a stronger politization. However, antagonisms over the past remains a left and right issue. The permanence of racism, antisemitism and orientations towards immigration and otherness are the main political heritage of the France's Algerian history. For a minority of young people, they remain a source of cleavage and a vector of politization. However, in its majority, the new generation is already building a more peaceful and more consensual relationship to the past. ; 39% des jeunes âgés de 18 à 25 ans ont aujourd'hui un lien familial avec une personne affectée par la guerre d'Algérie. Sur la base d'une enquête auprès de 3 000 jeunes et de 75 entretiens avec des petits-enfants d'appelés, de pieds-noirs, de harkis, de juifs d'Algérie, de militants au FLN ou à l'OAS, la thèse permet de faire le constat de ce que les jeunes savent et retiennent de ce passé, de ce qui a été transmis dans les millions de familles affectées par cette histoire, et de la façon dont cette nouvelle génération interprète, négocie et utilise cette ...

French colonization and the consequent War of Independence in Algeria have marked contemporary French society deeply in numerous ways. For decades, the history and memories of these events have been described as 'padlocked' by the state. Since the 2000s, academics have observed an increase in the political use of memory. While the literature has often employed psychoanalytical concepts to interpret this resurgence of the repressed, I argue that these readings are in fact designed to be present incursions into the past, serving to legitimate contemporary political projects. This is because new political actors and projects have emerged defending certain visions of the past in order to bolster present ambitions. In recent years, France has also experienced a rise of both far-right nationalist movements and Islamism. These radical formations continue to instrumentalize the history and memories of colonization and the war in Algeria to legitimate their discourses. In a fast-changing world, radical groups promote the rehabilitation of a reassuring past in which racial hierarchies and endogamy are associated with prestige and stability.I contend that while radical elements develop discourses bearing on the past, they thrive on the cultural insecurities of today's youth and thereby contribute to the reification of identities. Thus, while trying to come to terms with the past, memory policies might actually contribute to its resurgence, as they tend to focus on discourses rather than social frustrations.

Discusses the history of Native Americans, with a sampling of excerpts from their own accounts of their experiences