Suchergebnisse

"Die Phrase 'Ich habe doch nichts zu verbergen' könnte genauso gut lauten 'Ich habe doch nichts zu wollen'. Die Aufgabe des eigenen Raums zum Experimentieren bedeutet die Aufgabe jeder Ambition, das eigene Leben selbst zu bestimmen." (Autorenreferat)

I WAS BORN in 1984, in the Minsk region of Belarus, in a new mining town called Soligorsk, founded in the late fifties. More or less the whole labour force was brought in from outside, and there's little sense of national belonging. My father's family came from the north of Russia; my mother, who was born near Moscow, arrived in the seventies with a degree in mining from Ukraine. The town is dominated by one huge state-owned enterprise that mines potassium and produces fertilizers which sell very well on the world market: it's still the most profitable company in Belarus. My entire family worked for it, from grandparents to uncles and aunts. Adapted from the source document.

I'm grateful to Professor Howard for writing a thoughtful review of my book. I agree with some of his charges but find the policy agenda that follows from his critique to be somewhat naïve.

Philip Howard's important book offers a timely and thorough treatment of a subject that has been catapulted into the global limelight thanks to recent revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt: the impact of the Internet on the political cultures in the Middle East.

Abstract: Leading liberal democracies such as the United States have begun promoting "Internet freedom" and, by extension, opposing "Internet control." But what exactly is this control, and how best may it be combated? The argument of this essay rests on two basic assumptions. First, "Internet control" is a rather broad, catch-all category that subsumes both censorship and surveillance. As such, it is sensitive to violations of both the right to freedom of expression and the right to privacy. Second, "Internet control" has two separate but often overlapping dimensions, of which one is technological and the other one is sociopolitical. Most talk of "liberation technologies" as ways of weakening "Internet control" turns out to be about the technological rather than the sociopolitical dimension. But what if success in the technological area is met with larger and more sophisticated efforts at exerting sociopolitical control?

As the US government pushes for increased surveillance online, Evgeny Morozov considers the political interests at stake in bringing the internet under control

The Great Arab Revolt of 2011 has moved swiftly from the peaceful overthrow of autocrats in the nation‐states of Tunisia and Egypt to brutal repression in the tribal societies of Libya, Syria, Bahrain and Yemen.Meanwhile, the wired youth bulge of the Middle East that brought change is dissipating into an impotent diaspora while the organized interests of the old regimes and the once‐suppressed Islamists charge ahead to power. This section examines the revolt, the reaction and the power struggles in its aftermath.