Suchergebnisse

A second chance: the new AFL-CIO and the prospective revival of American labor / Harold Meyerson -- When we try more, we win more: organizing the new workforce / Richard Bensinger -- Finding a voice: the AFL-CIO communicates / Jo-Ann Mort -- Women in labor: always the bridesmaid? / Karen Nussbaum -- Working women's view of the economy, unions, and public policy / Peter D. Hart Research Associates -- Back to the forefront: union organizing of immigrant workers in the nineties / Hector Figueroa -- Building to win, building to last: the AFL-CIO political program / Steve Rosenthal -- Informing and empowering American workers: ten rules for union political action / Geoffrey Garin & Guy Molyneux -- Two for the year 2000 / Kelly Candaele -- Public policy and the two-thirds majority / Marc Baldwin -- A new internationalism: advancing workers' rights in the global economy / Barbara Shailor -- The road to union city: building the American labor movement city by city / Amy B. Dean -- The "America needs a raise" campaign: the new labor movement and the politics of living standards / David Kusnet -- Part-time America won't work: the teamsters' fight for good jobs at UPS / Matt Witt and Rand Wilson -- Fast track derailed / David Glenn -- Labor's capital strategies / David Moberg -- On the front lines: the labor movement around the country / Noel Beasley -- Interview with John J. Sweeney / Juan Gonzalez

Israel, for me, fills that hole. And even though I don't live there for a myriad of reasons that even I can't fully explain, I travel there as often as possible, and may yet live there, at least part time. I am entwined with the politics of Israel—advocating for it to normalize and live with a viable Palestine by its side. I feed off of its culture, its smells, and the rhythms of its craziness more than I do those of my homeland, America. It is my home away from home, but it is also my home, the place where I feel a deep sense of connection even in the midst of a jumble of its own contradictions and my own, too. Were I to lose that "home," the place for which I fight and keep my Jewish soul, I would finally be homeless. And, there is a chance that could happen—if Israel doesn't forgo its pyrrhic hold on the West Bank and its unwillingness to negotiate with what I believe to be true partners, the current Palestinian leadership. That's because this home for me isn't simply about nefesh, or about the smell of the sea lapping onto the Tel Aviv beach. It is also about politics and justice, that worn-out description of Israel as a "light unto the nations."

The mantra of the current Israeli government that Jerusalem is "the eternal, undivided capital of the Jewish people"
does nothing to resolve the stalemate over the city's status. Nor does saying these words make Jerusalem truly
undivided. The truth is that the city is divided both socially and culturally between west and east. And, as important, it
is plagued by problems like poverty and sectarian division both within the Jewish community itself and on the
Palestinian side—problems largely ignored because of the city's uncertain status. Any move toward a two-state solution requires Jews in the United States and Israel to acknowledge that when they
speak of Jerusalem they are referring to an idealized religious city.

Comments on the complexities of Jerusalem & its profound east-west cultural divide in the context of achieving a two-state solution for the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The Geneva Initiative is a 2003 proposal based on former US President Bill Clinton's 2001 framework & is seen as a blueprint for successfully dividing Jerusalem. The Clinton & more-detailed Geneva plans are briefly described, & the value of resolving the conflict over Jerusalem's status in terms of addressing urban ills, eg, poverty, & infrastructure problems is noted. Adapted from the source document.

Israeli politics is an excellent example of why term limits can be a good thing. In a country where losing consecutive elections for decades doesn't cost politicians their party leadership, let alone their ability to serve as government ministers or members of Knesset, the political class has grown incredibly stale. Party labels mean little, with the socialism of the Labor Party long gone and some leaders of the ultra-Orthodox Shas party aiming to sustain a permanent welfare state, at least for their own constituents. There's nearly no difference among the big parties on economics; in the end, they all support some form of a liberalized free market.