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This is a public management policy system or development administration exploring paper on the country of Lesotho. It is a desk study reviewing the validity of an argument justifying the role of the traditional rule or chieftaincy in the modern 'decentralized governance for development' (DGD) or decentralization in Lesotho. The paper discusses chieftaincy and colonialism in Lesotho, institutional roles of chieftaincy, the role of chieftaincy in the era of modern democracy/DGD, the relations between the democratic local authorities and chieftaincy in Lesotho and the role of chieftaincy and its constraints in the decentralized system of Lesotho. The paper directly contributes knowledge in public management sciences and administrative policy systems.

This paper analyzes threats and opportunities in sustainable irrigation development in Lesotho. The addressed research question is what threats and opportunities are there in irrigation projects backed by the government of Lesotho (GoL) for sustainable development and income generation in the rural areas for subsistence farmers. Threats to irrigation projects pose a problematic situation with a high possibility for project failure in attaining sustainable development. They need to be analytically identified for the provision of solutions at the project planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation processes. The study has adopted the in-depth interviews for problems and opportunities identification with the participation of 63 irrigating farmers as respondents. Revealing threats against opportunities enable proper irrigation projects planning and implementation and therefore successful and sustainable irrigation development in Lesotho. Indepth field interviews'findings are on farmers in eight project sites selected by the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA) for further irrigation development with the backing of Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO). The eight sites are (1) Semonkong Ha Lesala and (2) Semonkong Ha Sechache, in Maseru district, (3) Ha Rasekila in Butha-Buthe district, (4) Qopo Ha Molefi in Berea district, (5) Maphutseng in Mohale's Hoek district, (8) Qhoalinyane Ha Semethe and (7) Qhoalinyane, in Qacha's Nek district, and lastly (8) Ha Makoae in Quthing district. The main implementing agency for this Water Control Component of the Special Programme for Food Security is the MoA in Lesotho.

This article provides insights on tribulations of Lesotho textile industry workers and effectiveness-extent of national labor law in shielding labor rights. It is a qualitative and quantitative research premised on textile industrial areas of Thetsane and Railway Station area in Maseru city, Labor offices and workers/trade unions. It illuminates the prescriptions of the Labor Law in Lesotho pertaining to the textile industries and inquires whether such Labor Law is not nominally applied in protecting textile factory workers' rights. It examines workers' organizational capacity and bargaining, role of workers' trade unions in addressing workers' concerns and maintenance of labor law. Elucidation embraces efficacy of legal resolutions procedure followed whenever there are disputes between workers and management, reported by either the individual workers or workers' trade unions/TUs. Outlook of the workers to examine their content concerning services rendered to them by labor offices forms part of this researched debated in-depth interviews. Dictates of the Law towards lowly esteemed workers and the extent to which their rights as workers in Lesotho are protected by the government mold chief innards. Findings reflect on benefits ought to be derived from this industrial sector but which are inconspicuous, thereby ensuing in destitution of workers whose majority are women with significant dependency ratios. Labor downsizing, layoffs, unfair dismissals, salary cuts and/or delayed labor earnings, toiling beyond normal working hours, chronic lung diseases from inhaled harmful chemicals, labor devalourization, vulnerability and others constitute quandary of Lesotho textile industry workers. The research question is, then, how far does the law work for them through pro-active and reactive (remedial) strategies for their emancipation, protection and recompense/welfare?

This paper examines the extent the ECOWAS free movement protocol of persons, goods and services contributes to the economic and political growth of Nigeria which is an active member state. The protocol on free movement is often hijacked by criminals from some member states, neighbors and within to perpetrate trans-border crimes such as smuggling of arms, drugs and other forms of crimes. Political development is the heart beat of other development in any country. This is because power rest in political sphere and it is through power that other development such as economic development rest. The system of government in place, the ideals of the government and the stability of the government determine the profitable, societal plus cultural improvement of the nation. The role plays by civil societies, mass media and some section of activists toward the return to democracy in Nigeria are more appreciated and noticeable than that of ECOWAS. This indicates that there is always romance between ECOWAS and West African dictators especially in Nigeria. This unholy relationship might not be far from the fact that most leaders under ECOWAS are once dictators who benefited from the silence of the community or the leaders are mute considering the benefit their individual states get from dictators in Nigeria. The study primarily adopted the desk research design which involves the use of secondary source of data. The analyses of the data were carried out using content analysis. The study revealed that the performance of ECOWAS were undermined by various factors such as lack of political will, fear and mutual distrust, cultural and colonial differences among others. These factors inhibited the full actualization of the protocol among member states. The study concluded that Nigerian government should evaluate her activities in ECOWAS and should ensure that member states contribute their quota to the community as enshrine in the treaty.